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Full text of "The Indian wars of Pennsylvania : an account of the Indian events, in Pennsylvania, of the French and Indian war, Pontiac's war, Lord Dunmore's war, the revolutionary war, and the Indian uprising from 1789 to 1795 ; tragedies of the Pennsylvania frontier based primarily on the Penna. archives and colonial records / by C. Hale Sipe ; introduction by Dr. George P. Donehoo"

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An Account of the Indian Events, in 
Pennsylvania, of The French and Indian 
War, Pontiac s War, Lord Dunmore's 
War, The Revolutionary War and the 
Indian Uprising from 1789 to 1795 

Tragedies of the Pennsylvania Frontier 

Based Primarily on the Penna. Archives and Colonial Records 


of the Pittsburgh and Butler Bars; Member of the His- 
torical Society of Pennsylvania; Author of "The 
Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania" and "Mount 
Vernon and the Washington Family" 

Introduction by 

DR. GEORGE P. DONEHOO, Former State 

Librarian of Pennsylvania 

For Schools, Colleges, Libraries and 
Lovers of Informative Literature 



Price $5.00, postpaid. Order from C. Hale Sipe, Butler, Pa. 




Copyrighted 1929 


Printed in the United States of America 

To the Memory of his Sainted Mother, 

from Whom he Inherited a Love for 

the History of Pennsylvania, 

this Book is Reverently 

Dedicated by The 


Principal Sources Utilized in the 
Preparation of this Work 

Archives of Pennsylvania. 

Colonial Records of Pennsylvania. 

Egle's History of Pennsylvania. 

Gordon's History of Pennsylvania. 

Day's Historical Collections. 

Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania. 

Pennypacker's Pennsylvania, the Key- 

Loudon's Indian Narratives. 

Rupp's County Histories. 

Magazines of the Historical Society of 

Egle's Notes and Queries. 

Miner's History of Wyoming. 

Jenkin's Pennsylvania, Colonial and Fed" 

Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution. 

On the Frontier with Colonel Antes. 

Meginness' Otzinachson. 

Linn's Annals of Buffalo Valley. 

Hassler's Old Westmoreland. 

Fisher's Making of Pennsylvania. 

McClure's Old Time Notes. 

Parkman's Works. 

Jones' Juniata Valley. 

Hanna's Wilderness Trail. 

March's History of Pennsylvania. 

Smith's History of Armstrong County. 

Veech's Monongahela of Old. 

McKnight's Pioneer History of North- 
western Pennsylvania. 

Conover's Journal of the Military Ex- 
pedition of Major-General Sullivan 
against the Six Nations of New York 
in 1779. 

Craig's The Olden Time. 

Darlington's Fort Pitt and Letters from 
the Frontier. 

Darlington's Christopher Gist's Journals. 

Hodge's Handbook of American Indians. 

Sylvester's Indian Wars of New England. 

Hulbert's Historic Highways of America. 

Rupp's Early History of Western Penn- 
sylvania and the West. 

Thwaites' Early Western Travels. 

Thwaites' Documentary History of Lord 
Dunmore's War. 

Walton's Conrad Weiser and the Indian 
Policy of Colonial Pennsylvania. 

Withers' Chronicles of Border Warfare. 

Craig's History of Pittsburgh. 

Cort's Henry Bouquet. 

Keith's Chronicles of Pennsylvania. 

Boucher's History of Westmoreland 

Albert's History of Westmoreland County. 

Donehoo's Pennsylvania — A History. 

DeSchweinitz's Life of David Zeisberger. 

Espenshade's Pennsylvania Place Names. 

Heckewelder's Works. 

Mann's Life of Henry Melchior Muhlen- 

Father Lambing's Works. 

Butterfield's Washington- Irvine Corres- 

Washington's Journal. 

Celeron's Journal. 

Colden's History of the Five Nations. 

Volwiler's George Croghan. 

Johnson's Swedish Settlements on the 

Loskiel's History of the Mission of the 
United Brethren Among the Indians 
of North America. 

Patterson's History of the Backwoods. 

Doddridge's Settlement and Indian Wars 
of Virginia and Pennsylvania. 

Godcharles' Daily Stories of Pennsyl- 

Sawvel's Logan, the Mingo. 

And many others. 


IT affords me much pleasure to write these few words of intro- 
duction to "The Indian Wars of Pennsylvania," of which I 
have read the manuscript. 

Mr. Sipe has wisely followed the same scientific method in the 
collection of his data for this work which he did in his "Indian 
Chiefs of Pennsylvania." As a consequence the two books give a 
thoroughly accurate picture of the thrillingly romantic period of 
Pennsylvania history from 1755 to 1795, during which the 
mountains and the valleys of the frontiers of Pennsylvania were 
literally drenched with blood. 

For nearly three quarters of a century after the Treaty of 
William Penn with the Indians on the Delaware, the settlements 
of the European races had spread peacefully westward to the 
Blue Mountains. Even though there were occasional rumblings 
of a threatening storm, the sky was still clear and peace dwelt 
in the far-flung settlements, which stretched westward to the 
foothills of the Alleghenies. 

The struggle between France and Great Britain for the posses- 
sion of the Ohio valley and the consequent effort on the part of 
both of these rivals for the friendship of the Indian was the final 
cause for the conflict between the Indian and the English settler. 
The French had traded with the Delaware and the Shawnee, 
but had not taken his lands for settlement. On the other hand, 
the English had driven the Delaware from his ancestral habitat 
on the river which bears his name to the Susquehanna and then 
to the Ohio by his land purchases, just and unjust, and the same 
fact applies to the Shawnee. The English had, in their spreading 
settlements, taken up Indian lands, until practically nothing was 
left of their lands east of the mountain ridges. Even their last 
place of refuge on the waters of the Ohio, which they were oc- 
cupying by permission of the Iroquois, was sought for by the 
"land hungry" English. 

This land hunger was, so far as the English were concerned, a 
hunger for homes by these people of the British Empire, who had 
never known what it was to own lands of their own. It was the 
real motive in all of the migrations of these peoples from the 
lands across the seas. And yet, it caused as serious consequences 
to the Indian as did the Spanish search for gold. 


After the defeat of the army of General Edward Braddock by 
the French and Indians in 1755, the storm which had been slowly 
gathering along the waters of the upper Ohio, broke in all of its 
mad fury along the eastern foothills of the Alleghenies and for a 
period of forty years it raged with but few slight intermissions. 

After the Conspiracy of Pontiac, 1763-4, the scene of action 
for the worst Indian wars was shifted west of the Alleghenies. 
The Purchase of 1768 opened the lands west of the mountains to 
the settlers who poured over the mountain ridges in an ever in- 
creasing tide. The occupation of these lands along the Ohio by 
the white settlers from Pennsylvania and Virginia met with the 
armed opposition of the Indians. As a consequence, there was 
the long series of Border Wars, expeditions into the "Indian 
country" west of the Ohio, and later the union of the British 
with the Indians against all of the settlement? in western Penn- 
sylvania. These wars did not end until the final overthrow of 
the Indian and British by General Anthony Wayne, at Fallen 
Timbers, and the Treaty at Greenville, which resulted, in 1795. 

The hardships and sufferings of the pioneer settlers of Pennsyl- 
vania during these long, weary years of border wars was, however, 
the foundation upon which a new nation was to be builded. 
Without the training and the discipline in hardship of those years 
the War of the American Revolution, which followed so closely 
upon these Indian wars, would have been doomed to failure. 
These frontiers-men were trained in the use of the rifle and in the 
methods of warfare. The generation of young men, which made 
up the very backbone of Washington's army had known nothing 
but warfare and strife from their earliest infancy. The war- 
whoop of the Indian and the whistle of rifle bullets were the 
familiar sounds of childhood. 

Germantown, Valley Forge, Monmouth, Trenton, Saratoga and 
Yorktown could not have been without these years of bitter 
training, in the making of Morgan's Riflemen, Proctor's Brigade, 
the Eighth Pennsylvania, the Thirteenth Virginia and the other 
bodies making up the Continental Army from the frontiers of 

Not only the enlisted men, but also the great majority of the 
most effective officers of the Army of Washington were trained 
for war on the frontiers of Pennsylvania. Washington, Wayne, 
Mercer, Morgan, Armstrong, Proctor, Burd, Clapham, Shippen, 
Brodhead, St. Clair, Irvine, Crawford and Sullivan are but a few 


of the graduates of this "West Point" of the frontiers of Penn- 

Mr. Sipe in his "Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania" has given a 
critical, and romantic picture of the Indian chiefs who played 
such vital parts upon the stage of history during this period. In 
the present work, "The Indian Wars of Pennsylvania," he tells 
what these chiefs did to make the pioneer history of the frontiers 
of Pennsylvania one of the most thrilling chapters in American 
history. He fully and accurately covers the events of these 
Border Wars, which had so much to do with the Birth of a Nation. 



ii^ I '^HE Indian Wars of Pennsylvania" has been written in 

X response to the requests of many historians and educators, 
not only in Pennsylvania but in other parts of the United States, 
who were well pleased with the author's "Indian Chiefs of Penn- 
sylvania." Until the appearance of "The Indian Chiefs of Penn- 
sylvania," in April, 1927, the author was unknown to the lovers 
of the history of the Keystone State; and he believes that the 
fine reception given this book was due, in large measure, to the 
fact that it was highly endorsed by that eminent authority on 
Pennsylvania history. Dr. George P. Donehoo, whose "History 
of the Indian Place Names in Pennsylvania" and forthcoming 
"History of the Indian Trails of Pennsylvania" should find a 
place in the library of every lover of the history of the Penn- 
sylvania Indians. 

"The Indian Wars of Pennsylvania" is based primarily on the 
Pennsylvania Archives and the Pennsylvania Colonial Records. 
No effort has been spared to make the book a trustworthy and 
authoritative work on the great Indian wars and uprisings which 
crimsoned the soil of Pennsylvania with the blood of both the 
Indian and the white man during the long period from 1755 to 
1795. Throughout the book will be found many references to 
the Pennsylvania Archives and the Pennsylvania Colonial Re- 
cords and many quotations from these and other trustworthy 

The need for the present volume is apparent. There is no 
more thrilling and tragic chapter in American History than the 
period of the Indian wars and uprisings in Pennsylvania. Penn- 
sylvania suffered more than did any other Colony during this 
period. Yet how few are familiar with this important period in 
the history of Pennsylvania! And the reason is that historical 
writers have not given the Indian wars and uprisings in Pennsyl- 
vania the attention that their importance deserves. 

We read the history of Greece, of Rome, of England. Why 
should we neglect the history of the great race that roamed the 
hills and vales of Pennsylvania and left its sounding names on 
the Pennsylvania mountains, valleys and streams? 

The reader will note that more than one hundred and seventy- 
five pages of the present volume deal with the Indian events in 


Pennsylvania during the Revolutionary War. The author be- 
lieves that students of the Revolutionary struggle will appreciate 
this fact. Few historians seem to realize how largely the Revolu- 
tionary War was fought on the frontiers of Pennsylvania. 

Perhaps a few words should be said concerning the plan of 
"The Indian Wars of Pennsylvania." The author thought it 
well not to have the book begin abruptly with the account of 
the first conflict between the Indian and the white man in 
Pennsylvania. Hence, the opening chapters are devoted to the 
Indian's religion and character; to a view of the Indian tribes 
that inhabited Pennsylvania; to a discussion of the Indian 
policy of the Swedes on the Delaware and of William Penn; 
and to the leading events in the Indian history of Pennsylvania 
before the bloody warfare between the two races began. This 
plan, the author believes, will enable the reader to make a more 
intelligent and satisfactory study of the many years of bloody 
conflict between the two races in Pennsylvania. The volume is 
thus much more than a history of the Indian wars and uprisings 
in the state bearing the name of Penn, the apostle. 

Butler, Pennsylvania, 
February 2, 1929. 


THE author desires to thank the hundreds of Pennsylvanians 
and others who subscribed for "The Indian Wars of Penn- 
sylvania" before the manuscript was handed to the printer. 
He especially thanks the following persons for substantial sub- 
scriptions : 

Governor John S. Fisher and State Librarian Frederick A. 
Godcharles of Pennsylvania; Prof. John A, Anthony, Pittsburgh, 
Penna., Jos. A. Beck, Esq., Pittsburgh, Penna.; G. H. Blakeley, 
Bethlehem, Penna.; Hon. Marshall Brown, Pittsburgh, Penna.; 
Capt. W. R. Furlong, Washington, D. C.; Earle R. Forrest, 
Washington, Penna.; John Gribbel and W. Grififin Gribbel, 
Wyncote, Penna.; Jos. F. Guflfey, Pittsburgh, Penna.; Hon. 
D. B. Heiner, Kittanning, Penna.; Dr. C. G. Hughes, Pittsburgh, 
Penna.; E. H. Hutchison, Harmony, Penna.; Dr. C. E. Imbrie, 
Butler, Penna.; Prof. V. K. Irvine, Butler, Penna.; Mrs. Cecelia 
R. Jamison, Greensburg, Penna.; Hon. J. W. King, Kittanning, 
Penna.; Hon. Richard H. Koch, Pottsville, Penna.; H. K. Landis, 
Lancaster, Penna.; J. B. Landis, Butler, Penna.; Rachel R. Lowe, 
Pittsburgh, Penna.; Hon. W. Frank Mathues, Philadelphia, 
Penna. ; Hon. Geo. W. Maxey, Scranton, Penna. ; W. H. McClane, 
Washington, Penna.; Harry A. Neeb, Jr., Pittsburgh, Penna.; 
H. R. Pratt, Baltimore, Md.; W. L. Riggs, Esq., McKeesport, 
Penna.; A. C. Robinson, Sewickley, Penna.; J. V. Scaife, Pitts- 
burgh, Penna.; Samuel Shoemaker, Philadelphia, Penna.; Homer 
H. Swaney, Esq., Beaver Falls, Penna.; Vernon F. Taylor, 
Indiana, Penna.; Hon. Henry W. Temple, Washington, Penna.; 
Hon. Theo. L, Wilson, Clarion, Penna; Henry Wittmer, Pitts- 
burgh, Penna.; J. E. Henretta, Kane, Penna.; J. B. Warriner, 
Lansford, Penna.; W. M. Laverty, Philadelphia, Penna.; and 
M. Wilson Stewart, Esq., Pittsburgh, Penna. 

The author is under great obligation to Dr. George P. Donehoo 
for his careful reading of the proofs and making many suggestions. 

Additional thanks are due State Librarian Frederick A. God- 
charles for many courtesies extended the author in the use of 
rare volumes in the Pennsylvania State Library. Finally, the 
author thanks the many educators and historians in Pennsylvania 
and other parts of the United States, who suggested to him the 
writing of this specialized history, and he hopes the book will 
come up to their expectations. 

Butler, Pennsylvania, 
February 2, 1929. 


Captain John Smith's Sketch of a Susquehanna or Cones- 
toga Chief 28 

Conrad Weiser's Home and Monument 100 

Marker Near Grave of Shikellamy 134 

Statue to George Washington at Waterford, Pa 148 

View of Braddock's Field in 1803 190 

Marker at Kittanning 312 

Statue of "The White Woman of The Genessee" 380 

Monument Marking the Approximate Spot Where Wash- 
ington Was Fired Upon, December 27th, 1753 400 

Ravine on Battle Field of Bushy Run and Brush Creek 

Church 440 

Plan of the Battle of Bushy Run 448 

A War Poster Used in Western Pennsylvania During the 

Revolution 506 

Joseph Brant (Thayendanegea) 558 

Major-General John Sullivan, Brigadier-General Edward 

Hand and view of the Genesee River 604 

Colonel (later Brevet General) Daniel Brodhead 628 

Monument at Grave of the Rev. Samuel Kirkland 684 

Monument at Grave of General Arthur St. Clair 698 


Chapter Page 

I — The Pennsylvania Indians — Their ReHgion and 

Character 17 

II — The Pennsylvania Indian Tribes 28 

III — The Swedes and William Penn 59 

IV — Principal Indian Events from 1701 to 1754. ... 82 

V — Opening of the French and Indian War 152 

VI — General Braddock's Campaign 177 

VII — The First Delaware Invasion 203 

VIII — Invasion of the Great and Little Coves and the 

Conolloways 217 

IX — Massacres of November and December, 1755. . 230 

X — Massacres Early in 1756 255 

XI — Carlisle Council — War Declared 276 

XII — Atrocities in the Summer and Autumn of 1756 . . 284 

XIII — Destruction of Kittanning 304 

XIV— Efforts for Peace in 1756 321 

XV— Events of the Year 1757 333 

XVI — Post's Peace Missions — Grand Council at 

Easton 356 

XVII — General Forbes' Expedition against Fort Du- 

quesne 387 

XVIII— Pontiac's War 407 

XIX— Pontiac's War (Continued) 439 

XX— Pontiac's War (Continued) 450 

XXI— Pontiac's War (Continued) 470 

XXII— Lord Dunmore's War 488 

XXIII— The Revolutionary War (1775, 1776 and 1777). 506 

XXIV— The Revolutionary War (1778) 527 

XXV— The Revolutionary War (1779) 573 

XXVI— The Revolutionary War (1780) : 607 

XXVII— The Revolutionary War (1781) 627 

XXVIII— The Revolutionary War (1782-1783) 647 

XXIX — The Post- Revolutionary Uprising 685 

Appendix 720 

Index 762 


The Pennsylvania Indians — Their 
Religion and Character 

Go where we may, in Pennsylvania, we are put in remem- 
brance of the American Indian by the beautiful names he 
gave to the valleys, streams and mountains where he roamed for 
untold generations, never dreaming that from afar would come 
a stronger race which would plant amid the wilderness the hamlet 
and the town and cause cities to rise where the forest waved over 
the home of his heart. The Wyoming Valley; the Tuscarora 
Valley; the winding Susquehanna; the blue Juniata; the broad 
Ohio; the Kittatinny Mountain ; the Allegheny Mountains — these 
are but a few of the everlasting reminders of the Pennsylvania 
Indians. Until the new heavens arch themselves and until the 
new earth comes, our Pennsylvania valleys will lie smiling in the 
sunlight, our Pennsylvania streams will go singing to the sea, 
and our Pennsylvania mountains will lift their summits to the 
sky; and throughout the ages may succeeding generations of 
Pennsylvanians realize that the Indian loved these valleys, these 
streams, these mountains, with a love as strong as that hallowing 
passion which touched the Grecian mountain-pass of Thermo- 
pylae more than twenty-four hundred years ago, and has caused 
it to glow with never-dying lustre through the long night of 
centuries. It was love for the land of his fathers that caused the 
Indian to fight to the death for his home and hunting grounds. 
A child of nature, the Indian knew not the God of revelation; 
but the God of the universe and nature he acknowledged in all 
things around him, — the sun, the moon, the stars, the flowers, 
the singing birds, the mighty oaks and sighing pines of the forest, 
the pleasant valleys, the babbling brooks, the dashing water-falls, 
the rushing rivers, the lofty mountains. Reverently he wor- 
shipped the Great Spirit, who created him, who governed the 
world, who taught the streams to flow and the bird to build her 
nest, who caused day and night and the changing seasons, who 


stocked the streams with fish and the forests with game for his 
Red Children. To the Great Spirit went up many a pure prayer 
from the Indian's dark bosom. He prayed when he went on the 
chase; he prayed when he sat down to partake of the fruits of the 
chase; he prayed when he went to war. And when he closed his 
eyes in death, it was in the firm belief that death was mere 
transition to the Happy Hunting Ground, where, with care and 
sorrow removed, he would pursue the deer throughout the 
endless ages of eternity. 

The Testimony of Heckewelder 

The Moravian missionary. Rev. John Heckewelder, who 
labored for many years among the Delawares of Pennsylvania 
and Ohio, beginning his work in 1762, makes the following state- 
ments concerning the Indian's religion and character, in his 
"Indian Nations", published in 1818: 

"The Indian considers himself as being created by an all- 
powerful, wise, and benevolent Mannito (Manitou); all that he 
possesses, all that he enjoys, he looks upon as given to him or 
allotted for his use by the Great Spirit who gave him life. He 
therefore believes it to be his duty to adore and worship his 
Creator and benefactor; to acknowledge with gratitude his past 
favours, thank him for present blessings, and solicit the con- 
tinuation of his good will. An old Indian told me, about fifty 
years ago, that when he was young, he still followed the custom 
of his father and ancestors, in climbing upon a high mountain or 
pinnacle, to thank the Great Spirit for all the benefits before 
bestowed, and to pray for a continuance of his favor; that they 
were sure their prayers were heard, and acceptable to the Great 
Spirit, although he did not himself appear unto them. 

"They think that he, the Great Spirit, made the earth and all 
that it contains for the common good of mankind ; when he stocked 
the country that he gave them with plenty of game, it was not 
for the benefit of a few, but of all. Every thing was given in 
common for the sons of men . . . From this principle, hos- 
pitality flows as from its source. With them, it is not a virtue, 
but a strict duty. Hence they are never in search of excuses to 
avoid giving, but freely supply their neighbour's wants from the 
stock prepared for their own use. They give and are hospitable 
to all, without exception, and will always share with each other 
and often with the stranger, even to their last morsel. They 


rather would lie down themselves on an empty stomach, than 
have it laid to their charge that they had neglected their duty by 
not satisfying the wants of the stranger, the sick or the needy. . . 

"They treat each other with civility, and show much affection 
on meeting after an absence . . . They are not quarrelsome, and 
are always on their guard, so as not to offend each other. They 
do not fight with each other; they say that fighting is only for 
dogs and beasts. They are, however, fond of play, yet very 
careful that they do not offend. They are remarkable for the 
particular respect which they pay to old age. In all their 
meetings, whether public or private, they pay the greatest 
attention to the observations and advice of the aged ; no one will 
attempt to contradict them, nor to interfere in any manner or 
even to speak, unless he is specially called upon." 

Heckewelder says that, while marriages among the Indians 
were not contracted for life, it being understood that the parties 
were not to live together longer than they should be pleased with 
each other, yet both parties, sensible of this understanding, did 
every thing in their power to please each other. The husband 
built the home, and considered himself bound to support the wife 
and family by his exertions as hunter, fisher and trapper, while 
the wife took upon herself the labor of planting and raising corn 
and other products of the soil. The wife, he says, considered her 
labor much lighter than that of the husband, "for they them- 
selves say that, while their field labour employs them at most six 
weeks in the year, that of the men continues the whole year round. 
Neither creeks nor rivers, whether shallow or deep, frozen or free 
from ice, must be an obstacle to the hunter, when in pursuit of 
a wounded deer, bear, or other animal, as is often the case. Nor 
has he then leisure to think on the state of his body, and to con- 
sider whether his blood is not too much heated to plunge without 
danger into the cold stream, since the game he is in pursuit of is 
running off from him with full speed. Many dangerous accidents 
often befall him, both as a hunter and a warrior (for he is both), 
and are seldom unattended with painful consequences, such as 
rheumatism, or comsumption of the lungs, for which the sweat- 
house, on which they so much depend, and to which they often 
resort for relief, especially after a fatiguing hunt or warlike ex- 
pedition, is not always a sure preservative or an effectual remedy." 

Heckewelder also says that, if the sick squaw longed for an 
article of food, be it what it may or however difficult to procure, 
the husband would at once endeavor to get it for her, and that 


he knew of instances where the husband would go forty or fifty 
miles for a mess of cranberries to satisfy his wife's longing. 

Speaking of the Indians' cruelty to their enemies, Heckewelder 

"The Indians are cruel to their enemies! In some cases they 
are, but perhaps not more so than white men have sometimes 
shewn themselves. There have been instances of white men 
flaying or taking off the skin of Indians who had fallen into their 
hands, and then tanning those skins, or cutting them in pieces, 
making them up into razor-straps, and exposing those for sale, as 
was done at or near Pittsburg, sometime during the Revolutionary 
War. Those things are abominations in the eyes of the Indians, 
who, indeed, when strongly excited, inflict torments on their 
prisoners and put them to death by cruel tortures, but never are 
guilty of acts of barbarity in cold blood. Neither do the Dela- 
wares, and some other Indian nations, ever, on any account, 
disturb the ashes of the dead." 

Contrary to the general supposition, the Indian was not cruel 
by nature. His cruelty was confined to the times when he was 
on the war path; and even then, there is no record of his having 
committed a deed as disgusting, revolting and horrible as the 
murder of the ninety-six Christian Delawares, at Gnadenhuetten, 
Ohio, on the 8th of March, 1782, by Colonel David Williamson 
and his band of Scotch-Irish settlers from Washington County, 

During the long Indian wars, in Pennsylvania, from 1755 to 
1795, hundreds of white persons, captured by the Indians, were 
adopted into Indian families, to take the places mostly of war- 
riors who had fallen on the field of the slain. These captives, so 
adopted, were treated with great kindness, and were looked upon 
by the Indians as their own flesh and blood. Many, indeed, 
were the instances of captives, recovered by the whites, who later 
returned to the forest homes of their Indian friends and adopted 
Indian relatives. Heckewelder speaks of the humanity and 
delicacy with which the Indians treated female prisoners whom 
they intended to adopt. The early Indian never captured 
women, white or red, for immoral purposes. (Page 381.) 

The fiercest passion in the Indian's wild heart was the love of 
revenge, but, on the other hand, he would give his life for the 
protection of a friend. There was none more constant and stead- 
fast as a friend. He would share his last morsel with the stranger 
within his gates. He was the noblest type of primitive man that 
ever trod the earth. 


Among the children of men there were none who could equal 
him in power of endurance and capacity for suffering. He could 
travel on foot for days without food. He could be tortured to 
death by fire without a groan escaping his lips, and he chanted 
his death song with his latest breath. 

The Indian's Pride 

Says, Heckewelder, speaking of the Delawares or Lenni-Lenape; 

"They will not admit that the whites are superior beings. They 
say that the hair of their heads, their features, the various colours 
of their eyes, evince that they are not like themselves Lenni 
Lenape, an Original People, a race of men that has existed un- 
changed from the beginning of time; but they are a mixed race, 
and therefore a troublesome one. Wherever they may be, the 
Great Spirit, knowing the wickedness of their disposition, found 
it necessary to give them a great Book, and taught them how to 
read it, that they might know and observe what he wished them 
to do and to abstain from. But they, the Indians, have no need 
of any such book to let them know the will of their Maker; they 
find it engraved on their own hearts; they have had sufficient 
discernment given to them to distinguish good from evil, and by 
following that guide, they are sure not to err. 

"It is true, they confess, that when they first saw the whites, 
they took them for beings of a superior kind. They did not know 
but that they had been sent to them from the abode of the Great 
Spirit for some great and important purpose. They therefore 
welcomed them, hoping to be made happier by their company. 
It was not long, however, before they discovered their mistake, 
having found them an ungrateful, insatiable people, who, though 
the Indians had given them as much land as was necessary to 
raise provisions for themselves and their families, and pasture for 
their cattle, wanted still to have more, and at last would not be 
contented with less than the whole country. 'And yet,' say those 
injured people, 'these white men would always be telling us of 
their great Book which God had given to them; they would 
persuade us that every man was good who believed in what the 
Book said, and every man was bad who did not believe in it. 
They told us a great many things, which, they said, were written 
in the good Book, and wanted us to believe it all. We would 
probably have done so, if we had seen them practise what they 
pretended to believe, and act according to the good words which 


they told us. But no! While they held their big Book in one 
hand, in the other, they had murderous weapons, guns and swords 
wherewith to kill us, poor Indians. Ah! and they did so, too; 
they killed those who believed in their Book, as well as those who 
did not. They made no distinction!" 

Effects of the White Man's Rum and Vices 

Having seen that the Indian had many virtues, it is but fair 
to add that many of these virtues were broken down by the white 
man. We refer particularly to the ruin wrought among the 
Indians by the white man's rum and vices. The Indian knew 
neither rum nor shameful diseases until his contact with the 
white man. Hear Heckewelder: 

"So late as about the middle of the last century (the eighteenth 
century), the Indians were yet a hardy and healthy people, and 
many very aged men and women were seen among them, some of 
whom thought they had lived about one hundred years. They 
frequently told me and others that, when they were young men, 
their people did not marry so early as they did since, that even 
at twenty they were called boys, and durst not wear a breech- 
clout, as the men did at that time, but had only a small bit of 
skin hanging before them. Neither, did they say, were they sub- 
ject to so many disorders as in later times, and many of them 
calculated on dying of old age. But since that time, a great 
change has taken place in the constitution of those Indians who 
live nearest to the whites. By the introduction of ardent spirits 
among them, they have been led into vices which have brought on 
disorders which, they say, were unknown before; their blood be- 
came corrupted by a shameful complaint, which, they say, they 
had never known or heard of until the Europeans came among 
them. Now the Indians are affected with it to a great degree; 
children frequently inherit it from their parents, and after 
lingering for a few years, at last die victims to this poison. Our 
vices have destroyed them more than our swords. 

"The general prevalence of drunkenness among the Indians is, 
in a great degree, owing to the unprincipled white traders, who 
persuade them to become intoxicated that they may cheat them 
the more easily, and obtain their lands or pelfries for a mere 
trifle. Within the last fifty years, some instances have even come 
to my knowledge of white men having enticed Indians to drink, 
and when they were drunk, murdered them. The effects which 


intoxication produces upon the Indians are dreadful. It has been 
the cause of an infinite number of murders among them. I can- 
not say how many have died of colds and other disorders, which 
they have caught by lying upon the cold ground, and remaining 
exposed to the elements, when drunk; others have lingered out 
their lives in excruciating rheumatic pains and in wasting con- 
sumptions until death came to relieve them of their sufferings. 
I once asked an Indian at Pittsburgh, whom I had not seen before, 
who he was. He answered in broken English: 'My name is 
Blackfish ; when at home with my nation, I am a clever fellow, 
and when here, a hog.' He meant that by means of the liquor 
which the white people gave him, he was sunk to the level of that 

Heckewelder says that reflecting Indians keenly remarked 
"that it was strange that a people who professed themselves 
believers in a religion, revealed to them by the Great Spirit him- 
self; who say that they have in their houses the Word of God and 
his laws and commandments textually written, could think of 
making a beson (liquor), calculated to bewitch people and make 
them destroy one another." 

Heckewelder's observations concerning the English traders are 
the sad truth. They took advantage of the Indians' inordinate 
appetite for rum; they cheated them out of their skins and furs; 
they debauched their women. The Pennsylvania Assembly, in 
a letter to Governor Hamilton, February 27th, 1754, character- 
ized the traders as "the vilest of our own inhabitants and convicts 
imported from Great Britain and Ireland." The traders of other 
Colonies, many of whom entered Pennsylvania, were no better 
than the Pennsylvania traders. Said Governor Dinwiddie, of 
Virginia, in a letter to Governor Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, May 
21st, 1753: "The Indian traders, in general, appear to me to be 
a set of abandoned wretches." In a word, the English traders, 
with few exceptions, were a vile and infamous horde, who, in- 
stead of contributing to the betterment of the Indian, corrupted 
and debauched him. 

Protests Against the Rum Traffic 

Rum was the curse of the Red Man, and the leading Indian 
chiefs recognized it as such. Hence, from the very beginning of 
the rum trafific among the Pennsylvania Indians, we find a series 
of protests by their chiefs to the Pennsylvania Authorities. When 


the Conestoga or Susquehanna chief, Oretyagh, with a number of 
other chiefs of the Conestogas and Shawnees, bade farewell to 
William Penn, on October 7th, 1701, just a short time before 
Penn left his Province never to return, this sachem, in the name 
of the rest, told him that the Indians had long suffered from the 
ravages of the rum traffic, and Penn informed Oretyagh and 
associate chiefs that the Assembly was at that time enacting a 
law, according to their desire, to prevent their being abused by 
the selling of rum among them. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 2, pages 45- 
46.) Penn early saw the degredation which the Indians' un- 
quenchable thirst for strong drink wrought among them, and he 
did all in his power to remedy this matter. But the law was no 
sooner enacted than it was disregarded by the traders. Then, in 
the minutes of a council held at Philadelphia, on May 16th, 1704, 
we read the last reference to Oretyagh in recorded history, a 
protest against the rum traffic, as follows: 

"Oretyagh, the chief now of Conestoga, requested him [Nicole 
Godin, a trader] to complain to the Governor [John Evans] of 
the great quantities of rum continually brought to their town, 
insomuch that they [the Conestogas] are ruined by it, having 
nothing left, but have laid out all, even their clothes for rum, and 
may now, when threatened with war, be surprised by their 
enemies, when besides themselves with drink, and so utterly be 
destroyed." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 2, page 141.) 

The great Shikellamy, the most renowned Indian that ever 
lived in Pennsylvania, shortly after taking up his residence on 
the Susquehanna, as vice-gerent of the Six Nations over the 
Delawares, Shawnees and other Indians in the eastern part of 
Pennsylvania, served notice on the Colonial Authorities that, if 
the rum traffic among the Indians were not better regulated, 
friendly relations between the Six Nations and the Colony of 
Pennsylvania would cease. 

As we shall see in the next chapter, the Shawnees, who entered 
eastern Pennsylvania as early as 1694, began, about 1724 to 1727, 
to migrate to the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny. One of the 
reasons why they migrated to the western part of the state, was 
to escape the ruinous effects of strong liquor. But the trader 
with his rum followed them into the forests of their western homes. 

Then the Shawnee on the Conemaugh, Kiskiminetas, and 
Allegheny took steps, in 1738, to restrain this pernicious traffic. 
On March 20th of that year, three of their chiefs in this region, 
namely; "Loyporcowah (Opessah's Son), Newcheconneh (Deputy 


King), and Coycacolenne, or Coracolenne (Chief Counsellor)," 
wrote a letter to Thomas Penn and James Logan, Secretary of 
the Provincial Council, in which they acknowledged the receipt 
of a present from Penn and Logan of powder, lead, and tobacco, 
delivered to them by the trader, George Miranda; in which they 
say they have a good understanding with the French, the Five 
Nations, the Ottawas, and all the French Indians; that the tract 
of land reser\'ed for them by the Proprietory Government on the 
west side of the Susquehanna does not suit them at present; and 
that they desire to remain in the region of the Allegheny and 
Kiskiminetas, make a strong town there, and keep their warriors 
from making war upon other nations at a distance. They then 

"After we heard your letter read, and all our people being 
gathered together, we held a council together, to leave ofif drinking 
for the space of four years . . . There was not many of our 
traders at home at the time of our council, but our friends, Peter 
Chartier and George Miranda; but the proposal of stopping the 
rum and all strong liquors was made to the rest in the winter, and 
they were all willing. As soon as it was concluded of, all the rum 
that was in the towns was staved and spilled, belonging both to 
Indians and white people, which in quantity consisted of about 
forty gallons, that was thrown in the street; and we have appoint- 
ed four men to stave all the rum or strong liquors that is brought 
to the towns hereafter, either by Indians or white men, during 
the four years." A pledge signed by ninety-eight Shawnees and 
the two traders above named accompanied this letter, agreeing 
that all rum should be destroyed, and four men appointed in 
every town to see that no strong liquor should be brought into 
the Shawnee towns for the term of four years. (Pa. Archives, 
Vol. 1, pages 549-55L) 

Previous to this action on part of Loyparcowah and other 
chiefs of the Shawnees, the Delawares at Kittanning made com- 
plaints concerning the rum traffic. In 1732, the trader, Edmund 
Cartlidge, wrote the Governor from Kittanning that the chiefs 
there made reflections on the Government for permitting such 
large quantities of rum to be carried to the Allegheny and sold to 
the Indians at that place, contrary to law. Also, in 1733, the 
Shawnee chiefs in the Allegheny region wrote the Governor re- 
questing that he send them an order permitting them "to break 
in pieces all kegs of rum so brought yearly and monthly by some 
new upstart of a trader without a license, who comes amongst us 


and brings nothing but rum, no powder, nor lead, nor clothing, 
but takes away with him those skins which the old licensed traders 
who bring us everything necessary, ought to have in return for 
their goods sold us some years since." Also in 1734, the Shawnee 
chiefs at Allegheny wrote the Governor and requested that none 
of the licensed traders be allowed to bring them more than thirty 
gallons of rum twice in a year, except Peter Chartier, who "trades 
further than ye rest." 

Also, the able Indian orator and wise counselor, Scarouady, 
later successor to Tanacharison, the Half King, protested to the 
Pennsylvania Commissioners at the Carlisle Conference of Octo- 
ber, 1753, as follows: 

"Your traders now bring scarce any thing but Rum and Flour 
. . . The Rum ruins us. We beg you would prevent its coming 
in such quantities by regulating the traders . . . When these 
Whiskey Traders come, they bring thirty or forty Caggs (kegs) 
and put them down before Us and make Us drink, and get all the 
Skins that should go to pay the Debts We have contracted for 
Goods bought of the Fair Traders, and by these means we not 
only ruin Ourselves but them too. These wicked Whiskey 
Sellers, when they have once got the Indians in Liquor, make 
them sell the very Clothes from their Backs. In short, if this 
Practice be continued. We must inevitably be ruined. We most 
earnestly, therefore, beseech You to remedy it." (Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 5, page 676.) 

The whiskey traders were not checked. They continued their 
work unabated, in spite of the solemn protestations of the Indian 
chiefs and in spite of the protestations of such good white men as 
Conrad Weiser, who, on November 28th, 1747, wrote the Provin- 
cial Council of Pennsylvania characterizing the havoc wrought 
among the Pennsylvania Indians as "an abomination before 
God and man." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 5, page 167.) 

The Testimony of Adario 

The foregoing statements relate principally to the Pennsylvania 
Indians. Let us, at this point, hear the testimony of a great 
Indian chief whose tribe did not inhabit Pennsylvania, the brave 
and sagacious Huron chief, Adario, who was gathered to his 
fathers in 1701. Out of the past comes the voice of Adario: 

"As for the maple-water that we drink, 'tis sweet, well tasted, 
healthful, and friendly to the stomach, whereas your wine and 


brandy destroy the natural heat, pall the stomach, inflame the 
blood, intoxicate, and create a thousand disorders. A man in 
drink loses his reason before he is aware, or, at least, his reason is 
so drowned that he is not capable of distinguishing what he ought 
to do." When told that God had sent the Europeans to America 
to save the souls of the Indians, this great Huron replied that it 
was more likely that God had sent the Europeans to this continent 
to learn to be good ; "for", said he, "the innocence of our lives, the 
love we tender to our brethren, and the tranquility of mind which 
we enjoy in contemplating business to our interest, these, I say, 
are the three great things that the Great Spirit requires of all men 
in general. We practice all these things in our villages naturally ; 
while the Europeans defame, kill, rob, and pull one another to 
pieces, in their towns. Your money is the father of luxury, 
lasciviousness, intrigues, tricks, lying, treachery, falseness, and, 
in a word, all the mischief in the world . . . Consider this and 
tell me if we are not right in refusing to finger it, or so much as 
look upon the cursed metal, since all these evils caused by it are 
unknown to us . . . All our actions are guided by justice, 
equity, charity, sincerity and true faith . . . Using bad language 
and cursing the Great Spirit were never heard among us." 

The Author's Purpose 

The author's purpose in writing this chapter and the three 
which follow before the wars between the Pennsylvania Indians 
and the white man are treated, is to give the reader and student 
that background which any fair minded student of the Indian 
wars of Pennsylvania should have. As the reader proceeds, he 
will find many things that reflect no honor on the whites. But 
it is the author's duty to record the wrongs committed upon the 
Indian as well as the wrongs committed by him. History must 
not hide the truth. 


The Pennsylvania Indian Tribes 

We shall devote this chapter to a brief view of the Indian 
tribes that inhabited Pennsylvania within the historic period. 

The Susquehannas, Minquas, or Conestogas 

THE Susquehannas is the general term applied to the Indians 
living on both sides of the Susquehanna River and its 
tributaries, in Pennsylvania, at the beginning of the historic 
period. Racially and linguistically, they were of Iroquoian stock, 
but were never taken into the league of the Iroquois, except as 
subjects. These related tribes were known by various names. 
Captain John Smith, the Virginia pioneer, who met them while 
exploring Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries in 1608, called them 
the "Susquehannocks." The French called them the Andastes, 
while the Dutch and Swedes called them Minquas. In the latter 
days of their history as a tribe, they were called the Conestogas. 
To Captain John Smith, of the Colony of Virginia, belongs the 
distinction of being the first white man to see the Indians of 
Pennsylvania, though he never set foot on Pennsylvania soil; 
and the Indians meeting him and his companions, beheld for 
the first time the race that was coming to drive them from their 
streams and hunting grounds. These Indians were the Sus- 
quehannas. Smith held a conference with sixty of the Susque- 
hannocks, near the head of Chesapeake Bay, about August 1, 
1608, as he and twelve companions were making an exploring 
expedition. The sixty Susquehannocks had come from one of 
their principal towns in what is now Lancaster County, Penn- 
sylvania. Smith gives the following interesting description of 
these Indians: 

"Such great and well proportioned men are seldom seen, for 
they seemed like giants to the English, yea, and to their neighbors, 
yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition. They were with 
much ado restrained from adoring us as gods. These are the 



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strangest people of all these countries, both in language and attire; 
for their language it may well become their proportions, sounding 
from them as a voice in the vault. Their attire is the skins of 
bears and wolves; some have cossacks made of bears' heads and 
skins, that a man's head goes through the skin's neck, and the ears 
of the bear fastened to his shoulders, the nose and teeth hanging 
down his breast, another bear's face split behind him, and at the 
end of the nose hung a paw, the half sleeves coming to the elbows 
were the necks of bears, and the arms through the mouth with 
paws hanging at their noses. One had the head of a wolfe hanging 
in a chain for a jewel, his tobacco pipe three quarters of a yard 
long, prettily carved with a bird, a deer, or some such device at 
the great end, sufficient to beat out one's brains; with bows, 
arrows, and clubs, suitable to their greatness. Five of their chief 
Werowances came aboard us and crossed the bay in the barge. 
The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the map. The 
calf of whose leg was three-quarters of a yard about, and all the 
rest of his limbs so answerable to that proportion that he seemed 
the goodliest man we ever beheld. His hair, the one side was 
long, the other shorn close with a ridge over his crown like a 
cock's comb. His arrows were five quarters long, headed with 
the splinters of a white christall-like stone, in form of a heart, 
an inch broad, an inch and a half or more long. These he wore 
in a wolf's skin at his back for his quiver, his bow in the one hand 
and his club in the other, as is described." 

Smith goes on to say that these Susquehannas were scarce 
known to Powhatan, the great Virginia chief, but that they were 
a powerful tribe living in palisaded towns to defend them from 
the Massawomeks, or Iroquois, and having six hundred warriors. 
During the ceremonies connected with the visit of this band of 
Susquehannas, Smith says that they first sang "a most fearful 
song," and then, "with a most strange, furious action and a hellish 
voice began an oration." When the oration was ended, they 
decorated Smith with a chain of large white beads, and laid 
presents of skins and arrows at his feet, meanwhile stroking their 
hands about his neck. They told him about their enemies, the 
Iroquois, who, they said, lived beyond the mountains far to the 
north and received their hatchets and other weapons from the 
French in Canada. They implored Smith to remain with them as 
their protector, which, of course, he could not do. "We left them 
at Tockwogh," he says, "sorrowing for our departure." 

Smith's account of the large stature of the Susquehannas has 


been corroborated by subsequent discoveries, when burying 
grounds of this tribe, in Lancaster County, were opened and very 
large human skeletons found. 

The Susquehannas, in the early part of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, carried on war with the "River Indians," as the Delawares, 
or Lenape then living along the Delaware River, were called. The 
Susquehannas were friendly with both the Swedes and the Dutch, 
and shortly after the Swedes arrived on the Delaware in 1638, they 
sold part of their lands to them. The Swedes equipped these 
Indians with guns, and trained their warriors in European tactics. 
When the Hurons were being worsted by the Iroquois in 1647, the 
Susquehannas offered the friendly Hurons military assistance, 
"backed by 1300 warriors in a single palisaded town, who had 
been trained by Swedish soldiers." They were also friendly with 
the colony of Maryland in the early days of its history, selling 
part of their lands to the Marylanders, and receiving military 
supplies from them. 

The Swedes, during their occupancy of the lower Delaware, 
carried on trade with the Susquehannas, the extent of which is 
seen in the report of Governor-General John Printz, of New 
Sweden, for 1647, in which he states that, because of the conflict 
of his colonists with the Dutch, he had suffered a loss of "8,000 or 
9,000 beavers which have passed out of our hands" and which, 
but for the Dutch, would have been gotten from "the great 
traders, the Minquas." 

The French explorer, Champlain, says that, in 1615, the Car- 
antouannais, as he calls the Susquehannas, had many villages on 
the upper part of the Susquehanna, and that their town, Caran- 
touan, alone, could muster more than eight hundred warriors. 
The exact location of Carantouan has been a matter of much 
conjecture, but the weight of authority places it on or near the 
top of Spanish Hill, in Athens Township, Bradford County, 
Pennsylvania, and within sight of the town of Waverly, New York 

In the summer of 1615, Champlain was assisting the Hurons 
in their war against the Iroquois, and when he was at the lower 
end of Lake Simcoe, making preparations for advance against 
the Iroquois town located most likely near the present town of 
Fenner, in Madison County, New York, he learned from the 
Hurons that there was a certain nation of their allies dwelling 
three days journey beyond the Onondagas, who desired to assist 
the Hurons in this expedition with five hundred of their warriors. 
These allies were none other than that portion of the Susque- 


hannas, living along the Susquehanna River, near the boundary 
between the states of Pennsylvania and New York. Accordingly, 
Champlain sent his interpreter, Estienne Brule, with twelve 
Huron companions, to visit Carantouan, the chief town of the 
Susquehannas in that region, for the purpose of hastening the 
coming of the five hundred warriors. 

Brule and his five hundred allies from Carantouan arrived be- 
fore the Onondaga fortress too late to be of any assistance to 
Champlain, who had already made two attacks upon the town, 
had been wounded twice by the Onondagas, and, despairing of 
the arrival of the promised assistance of five hundred warriors, 
had already retreated toward Canada several days before the 
arrival of Brule and his Indians. Brule then returned with his 
five hundred warriors to the town of Carantouan. 

Brule spent the autumn and winter of 1615 and 1616 in a tour 
of exploration into the very heart of Pennsylvania, visiting the 
various clans of the Susquehannas and, some authorities say, 
the Eries. He followed the Susquehanna River to its mouth, and 
returned to Carantouan. This intrepid Frenchman thus gained, 
by actual observation, a knowledge of a large section of the state 
and of its primitive inhabitants almost one hundred years before 
any other white man set foot within the same region. 

Another town of the Susquehannas was the one, later called 
Gahontoto, at the mouth of Wyalusing Creek, Bradford County. 
The Moravian missionaries, Bishop Commerhoff and David 
Zeisberger, visited the site of this town in the summer of 1750. 

Another of the towns of the Susquehannas is believed to have 
been at the mouth of Sugar Creek, in Bradford County, above the 
present town of Towanda. Still another of their towns, this one 
fortified, was near the mouth of Octorara Creek, on the east side 
of the Susquehanna River, in Maryland, about ten miles south 
of the line between Pennsylvania and Maryland. One of their 
forts was in Manor Township, Lancaster County, near the 
Susquehanna River, between Turkey Hill and Blue Rock. 
Another was on Wolf Run near Muncy, Lycoming County. The 
location of their principal fort was long a matter of dispute, and, 
at one time, actual warfare, between the heirs of Lord Baltimore 
and the heirs of William Penn, for the reason that the southern 
boundary of Penn's colony was supposed to be marked by it. 
The weight of authority seems to place its location on the west 
side of the Susquehanna River, in York County, Pennsylvania, 
opposite Washington Borough. 


The Iroquois, the mortal enemies of the Susquehannas, at- 
tacked them at one of their principal towns, in either York or 
Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, in 1663, sending down the Sus- 
quehanna River, in April of that year, an expedition of eight 
hundred Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. On their arrival, 
they found the town defended on one side by the river and on the 
other by tree trunks; it was fianked by two bastions, constructed 
after the European method, and had also several pieces of artillery. 
The Iroquois decided not to make an assault, but to attempt to 
outwit the Susquehannas by a ruse. Twenty-five Iroquois were 
admitted into the fort, but these were seized, placed on high 
scafTolds, and burned to death in sight of their comrades. The 
humiliated Iroquois now returned to their home in New York. 

After this defeat of the Iroquois, the war was carried on by 
small parties, and now and then a Susquehanna was captured 
and carried to the villages of the Iroquois, and tortured to death. 
In 1669, the Susquehannas defeated the Cayugas, and offered 
peace; but their ambassador was put to death, and the war went 
on. At this time, the Susquehannas had a great chief named 
Hochitqgete, or Barefoot; and the medicine men of the Iroquois 
assured the warriors of the confederacy that, if they would make 
another attack on the Susquehannas, their efforts would be re- 
warded by the capture of Barefoot and his execution at the stake. 
So, in the summer of 1672, a band of forty Cayugas descended 
the Susquehanna in canoes, and twenty Senecas marched over- 
land to attack the enemy in the fields; but a band of sixty Sus- 
quehanna boys, none over sixteen, routed the Senecas, killing one 
and capturing another. The band of youthful warriors then 
pressed on against the Cayugas, and defeated them, killing eight 
and wounding fifteen or sixteen more, but losing half of their own 
gallant band. At this time, it is said, the Susquehannas were 
so reduced by war and pestilence that their fighting force con- 
sisted of only three hundred warriors. 

Finally, in 1675, according to the Jesuit Relation and Colden 
in his "History of the Five Nations", the Susquehannas fell be- 
fore the arms of the Iroquois; but the details of the defeat are 
sadly lacking. It seems that the Iroquois, about this time, had 
driven them down upon the tribes of the South who were then 
allies of the English, and that this involved them in war with 
Maryland and Virginia. Finding themselves surrounded by 
enemies on all sides, a portion of the Susquehannas left the land 
of their forefathers and the beautiful river bearing their name. 


and took up their abode in the western part of Maryland, near 
the Piscataways. 

In the summer of 1675, a white man was murdered by some 
Indians, most probably Senecas, on the Virginia side of the 
Potomac; whereupon, a party of Virginia militia killed fourteen 
of the Susquehannocks and Doeg Indians in retaliation. Shortly 
afterwards several other whites were murdered on both sides of 
the Potomac. The colony of Virginia then organized several 
companies, led by Colonel John Washington, great-grandfather 
of George Washington, to co-operate with a Maryland force of 
two hundred and fifty troops, led by Major Thomas Truman. 
The Susquehannocks claimed that they were entirely innocent of 
any of these murders and sent four of their chiefs as an embassy 
to Major Truman, who were knocked on the head by his soldiers. 
This so enraged the Susquehannocks that a long border warfare 
ensued which was kept up until they became lost to history. 

Another portion of the Susquehannocks remained near their 
old home at Conestoga, Lancaster County, where they were later 
joined by a third portion which had been taken by the Iroquois to 
the Oneida country in New York, and there retained until they 
lost their language, when they were permitted to join their 
brethren at Conestoga. Here William Penn and his son, William, 
visited the Conestogas during his last stay in his province in 1701. 
Here, also, the Conestogas lived until the descendants of this 
remnant of a once powerful tribe were killed in December, 1763, 
by a band of Scotch-Irish settlers from Donegal and Paxtang, — 
the last melancholy chapter in the history of the Susquehannas, 
or Conestogas. Conestoga, for generations the central seat of 
this tribe in the lower Susquehanna region, was about four miles 
southwest of Millersville, Lancaster County. A monument 
marks the site of this historic Indian town. It was erected in 
1924 by the Lancaster County Historical Society and the Penn- 
sylvania Historical Commission. 

The Delawares or Lenape 

At the dawn of the historic period of Pennsylvania, we find 
the basin of the Delaware River inhabited by an Indian tribe 
called the Delawares, or Lenape. The English called them Dela- 
wares from the fact that, upon their arrival in this region, they 
found the council-fires of this tribe on the banks of the Delaware 
River. The French called them Loups, "wolves", a term probably 


first applied to the Mohicans, a kindred tribe, on the Hudson 
River in New York. However, in their own language, they were 
called Lenape, or Lenni-Lenape, meaning "real men", or "original 

The Lenape belonged to the great Algonquin family — by far 
the greatest Indian family in North America, measured by the 
extent of territory occupied. This family surrounded on all sides 
the Iroquoian family, of which we shall hereafter speak, and 
extended from Labrador westward through Canada to the Rocky 
Mountains and southward to South Carolina. It also extended 
westward through the Mississippi Valley to the RockyMountains. 
The most important tribes of this family were the Mohican, 
Massachuset, Miami, Sac and Fox, Ojibwa, Blackfoot, Illinois, 
Shawnee, and Lenape; and among the great personages of the 
Algonquins were King Philip, Pocahontas, Pontiac, Tecumseh, 
and Tamenend, the last of whom made the historic treaty with 
William Penn described in Chapter III. 

Traditional History of the Lenape 

The early traditional history of the Lenape is contained in 
their national legend, the Walum Olum. According to this sacred 
tribal history, the Lenape, in long ages past, lived in the vast 
region west of the Mississippi. For some reason not known, they 
left their western home, and, after many years of wandering east- 
ward, reached the Namaesi Sipu, or Mississippi, where they fell 
in with the Mengwe, or Iroquois, who had likewise emigrated 
from the distant West in search of a new home, and had arrived 
at this river at a point somewhat higher up. The spies sent for- 
ward by the Lenape for the purpose of reconnoitering, had dis- 
covered, before the arrival of the main body, that the region east 
of the Mississippi was inhabited by a powerful nation called the 
Talligewi, or Alligewi, whose domain reached eastward to the 
Allegheny Mountains, which together with the beautiful Alle- 
gheny River, are named for this ancient race. The Alligewi had 
many large towns on the rivers of the Mississippi and Ohio 
valleys, and had built innumerable mounds, fortifications and 
intrenchments, hundreds of which still remain, and are called the 
works of the "Mound Builders". Says Schoolcraft: "The banks 
of the Allegheny were, in ancient times, occupied by an important 
tribe, now unknown, who preceded the Delawares and Iroquois. 
They were called Alleghans (Alligewi) by Colden." It is related 


that the Alligewi were tall and stout, and that there were giants 
among them. 

When the Lenape arrived at the Mississippi, they sent a mes- 
sage to the Alligewi requesting that they be permitted to settle 
among them. This request was refused, but the Lenape obtained 
permission to pass through the territory of the Alligewi and seek 
a settlement farther to the eastward. They accordingly began 
to cross the Mississippi; but the Alligewi, seeing that their num- 
bers were vastly greater than they had supposed, made a furious 
attack upon those who had crossed, and threatened the whole 
tribe with destruction, if they dared to persist in crossing to the 
eastern side of the river. 

Angered by the treachery of the Alligewi and not being pre- 
pared for conflict, the Lenape consulted together as to whether 
they should make a trial of strength, and were convinced that the 
enemy were too powerful for them. Then the Mengwe, who had 
hitherto been spectators from a distance, offered to join the 
Lenape, on condition that, after conquering the Alligewi, they 
should be entitled to share in the fruits of the conquest. 

Having united their forces, the Lenape and the Mengwe de- 
clared war against the Alligewi, and started on their onward 
march eastward across the continent, gradually driving out the 
Alligewi, who fled down the Mississippi Valley never to return. 
This conquest lasted many years, during which the Lenape lost 
great numbers of their best warriors, while the Mengwe would 
always lag back in the rear leaving them to bear the brunt of 
battle. At the end, the conquerors divided the possessions of the 
defeated race; the Mengwe taking the country in the vicinity of 
the Great Lakes and their tributary streams, and the Lenape tak- 
ing the land to the south. There has been much conjecture as to 
who the ancient Alligewi were, some historians believing them to 
have been the "Mound Builders," but most modern authorities 
believe them to have been identical with the Cherokees. 

For a long period, possibly many centuries, according to the 
Walum Olum, the Mengwe and Lenape resided peacefully in this 
country, and increased rapidly in population. Some of their 
hunters and warriors crossed the Allegheny Mountains, and, arriv- 
ing at the streams flowing eastward, followed them to the Sus- 
quehanna River, and this stream to the ocean. Other enterprising 
pathfinders penetrated the wilderness to the Delaware River, and 
exploring still eastward, arrived at the Hudson. Some of these 


explorers returned to their nation and reported the discoveries 
they had made, describing the country as abounding in game and 
the streams as having an abundance of water-fowl and fish, with 
no enemy to be dreaded. 

The Lenape considered these discoveries as fortunate for them, 
and believed the newly found region to be the country destined 
for them by the Great Spirit as their permanent abode. Con- 
sequently they began to migrate thither, settling on the four 
great rivers, — the Susquehanna, the Potomac, the Delaware, 
and the Hudson. The Walum Olum states, however, that not 
all of the Lenape reached the eastern part of the United States, 
many of them having remained behind to assist a great body of 
their people who had not crossed the Mississippi, but had retreated 
into the interior of the country on the other side, on being in- 
formed of the treacherous attack of the Alligewi upon those who 
had attempted to cross this stream. It is further stated that 
another part of the Lenape remained near the eastern bank of 
the Mississippi. 

According to this traditional history, therefore, the Lenape 
nation finally became divided into three separate bodies; the part 
that had not crossed the Mississippi; the part that remained near 
the eastern bank of the Mississippi ; and the part that settled on 
the four great eastern rivers above named. 

That branch of the Delawares which settled in the eastern part 
of the country divided into three divisions, or clans, — the Munsee, 
(later corrupted to Monsey), the Unami, and the Unalachitgo. 
These were called the Wolf, the Turtle, and the Turkey clans re- 
spectively, from their respective animal types of totems. With 
these creatures which they had adopted as their symbols, they 
believed themselves connected by a mystic and powerful tie. 

The Munsee (Wolf Clan), at the dawn of the historic period, 
were living in the mountain country, from about the mouth of the 
Lehigh River northward into New York and New Jersey, em- 
bracing the territory between the Blue or Kittatinny Mountains 
and the sources of the Susquehanna and Delaware Rivers. A 
part of the tribe, also, dwelt on the Susquehanna, and still another 
part had a village and peach orchard near Nazareth in North- 
ampton County, in the triangle between the Delaware and Lehigh. 
However, their chief village was Minisink, in Sussex County, 
New Jersey. The Munsee were the most warlike of the Dela- 
wares; they took a prominent part in the Indian wars of Colonial 


Pennsylvania. Being defrauded out of their lands by the noto- 
rious "Walking Purchase" of 1737, which obliged them to move, 
first to the Susquehanna and then to the Ohio, they became the 
bitter enemies of the white man, and drenched the frontier settle- 
ments with the blood of the pioneers. The Munsee have fre- 
quently been considered a separate tribe, inasmuch as they 
diflFered greatly from the other clans of the Lenape, and spoke a 
different dialect. 

The Unami (Turtle Clan), "down river people," at the open- 
ing of the historic period dwelt on both sides of the Delaware from 
the mouth of the Lehigh to the line dividing the states of Pennsyl- 
vania and Delaware. Their chief village was Shackamaxon, 
which was probably the capital of the Lenape nation, and it stood 
on about the site of Germantown, a suburb of Philadelphia. The 
principal chief of the Unami was the "King" of the united Lenape 
nation, by immemorial custom presiding at all the councils of 
the tribe. 

The Unalachtigo (Turkey Clan) "people living near the sea," 
at the opening of the historic period, occupied the land on the 
lower reach of the Delaware River and Delaware Bay. Their 
villages were on both sides of the river; and their chief village, or 
capital of the clan, was Chikoki, on the site of Burlington, New 

From these three clans, or tribes, comprising the great body of 
the Delawares, have sprung many others, who, for their own 
convenience, chose distant parts in which to settle. Among these 
were the Mahicans, or Mohicans, who by intermarriage became 
a detached body, and crossing the Hudson River, dwelt in eastern 
New York and western Connecticut; and the Nanticokes, who 
had proceeded to the South, and settled in Maryland and Virginia. 
It is to be noted, too, that the Delawares, by reason of priority 
of political rank and of occupying the central home territory from 
which the kindred tribes had diverged, were assigned special dig- 
nity and authority. It is said that forty tribes looked up to them 
with respect, and that, in the great councils of the Algonquins, 
they took first place as "grandfathers" of the race, while others 
were called by them ' 'children , " ' 'grandchildren , ' ' and "nephews. ' ' 
It is not certain that this precedence of the Delawares had any 
importance within the period of white settlement, but it no doubt 
had in the far dim past. And it seems true that the Algonquin 
tribes refrained from war with one another. 


The Iroquois Form a Great Confederation 
and Subjugate the Lenape 

It will be remembered that, when the Lenape, or Delawares, 
and the Mengwe, or Iroquois, divided the country of the Alligewi 
between them, the Mengwe took the part in the vicinity of the 
Great Lakes and their tributary streams, north of the part taken 
by the Lenape. The Mengwe later proceeded farther and settled 
below the Great Lakes and along the St. Lawrence River, so that 
when the Lenape had moved to the eastern part of the United 
States, the Mengwe became their northern neighbors. The 
Mengwe now became jealous of the growing power of the Lenape, 
and finally assumed dominion over them. 

To the Moravian Missionary, Rev. John Heckewelder, who 
had lived among the Delawares for more than thirty years, they 
related how this dominion came about. The great chiefs of the 
Delawares stated to Heckewelder that the Mengwe clandestinely 
sought to start quarrels between the Lenape and distant tribes, 
hoping thus to break the might of the Lenape. Each nation had 
a particular mark on its war clubs, different from that of any 
other nation. So the Mengwe, having stolen into the Cherokee 
country and secretly murdered a Cherokee and left beside the 
victim a war club, such as the Lenape used, the Cherokees natur- 
ally concluded that the Lenape committed the murder, and fell 
suddenly upon them, and a long and bloody war ensued between 
the two nations. The treachery of the Mengwe having been at 
length discovered, the Lenape resolved upon the extermination of 
this deceitful tribe. War was declared against the Mengwe, and 
carried on with vigor, when the Mengwe, finding that they were 
no match for the powerful Lenape and their kindred tribes, re- 
solved upon uniting their clans into a confederacy. Up until this 
time, each tribe of the Mengwe had acted independently of the 
others, and they had not been inclined to come under any supreme 
authority. Accordingly, about the year 1570, the Mengwe formed 
the great confederacy of their five kindred tribes, the Mohawks, 
the Oneidas, the Onondagas, the Cayugas, and the Senecas, known 
as the Five (later Six) Nations. 

Thus the Delawares claimed that the Iroquois Confederacy 
was formed for the purpose of preventing the extermination of 
the Mengwe by the Lenape. Other authorities say that the pur- 
pose was to end inter-tribal feud and war among the Mengwe, 
themselves; to enable the allied tribes to make mutual offense and 


defense, and to advance their general welfare. Thannawage, it is 
claimed, was the aged Mohawk chief who first proposed the 
alliance. Other authorities say that Dekanawida, the Iroquois 
statesman, prophet and law giver, planned and formed the historic 
confederation; and that he was assisted in this work by his 
disciple and co-adjutor, Hiawatha, whose name has been im- 
mortalized by the poet, Longfellow, in his charming poem. It is 
to be noted, however, that, while in "Hiawatha", Longfellow 
gave the English language one of its finest poems ; yet, due to his 
adopting the error of Schoolcraft in applying to Hiawatha the 
myths and legends relating to the Chippewa deity, Manabozho, 
this poem does not contain a single fact or fiction relating to the 
great chieftain of the Iroquois. 

The following chiefs, also, assisted in forming the confederacy: 
Toganawita, representing the Onondagas; Togahayon, represent- 
ing the Cayugas; and Ganiatario and Satagaruyes, representing 
the Senecas. This confederacy is known in history as the Five 
Nations, until the Tuscaroras, a tribe having been expelled from 
North Carolina and Virginia in 1712 or 1713, and having sought 
an asylum among the Iroquois of Pennsylvania and New York, 
were formally admitted to the alliance in 1722, after which time 
the confederacy is known as the Six Nations. The French gave 
the Indians of the confederacy the name of Iroquois, while the 
Delawares continued to call them Mengwe, later corrupted to 
Mingo. The Mohicans and the Dutch called them Maquas, while 
Powhatan called them Massawomekes. 

But, to resume the story which the Delawares told Hecke- 
welder. They said that, after the forming of the confederacy, 
very bloody wars were carried on between the Iroquois and them- 
selves in which they were generally successful, and while these 
wars were in progress, the French landed in Canada and com- 
bined against the Iroquois, inasmuch as the Five Nations were 
not willing that these Europeans should establish themselves in 
that country. At last the Mengwe, or Iroquois, seeing them- 
selves between two fires, and not seeing any prospect of conquer- 
ing the Lenape by arms, resorted to a stratagem to secure do- 
minion over them. 

The plan was to persuade the Lenape to abstain from the use 
of arms, and to assume the station of mediators and umpires 
among their warlike neighbors. In the language of the Indians, 
the Lenape were to be made "women." As explaining the signifi- 
cance of this expression, the Delawares said that wars among the 


Indians in those days were never brought to an end, but by the 
interference of the weaker sex. It was not considered becoming 
for a warrior to ask for peace. He must fight to the end. "With 
these dispositions, war would never have ceased among Indians, 
until the extermination of one or the other party, if the tender and 
compassionate sex had not come forward, and by their moving 
speeches, persuaded the enraged combatants to bury their 
hatchets, and make peace. On these occasions they were very 
eloquent . . . They would describe the sorrows of widowed 
wives, and, above all, of bereaved mothers. The pangs of child- 
birth, they had willingly suffered. They had carefully reared 
their sons to manhood. Then how cruel it was to see these 
promising youths fall victims to the rage of war, — to see them 
slaughtered on the field, or burned at the stake. The thought of 
such scenes made them curse their own existence and shudder 
at the thought of bearing children." Speeches like these generally 
had the desired effect, and the women, by the honorable function 
of peace-makers, held a very dignified position. Therefore, it 
would be a magnanimous and honorable act for a powerful nation 
like the Lenape to assume that station by which they would be 
the means of saving the Indian race from extinction. 

Such, according to Heckewelder, were the arguments used by 
the artful Iroquois to ensnare the Lenape. Unfortunately the 
Delawares listened to the voice of their enemies, and consented 
to become the "woman nation" among the Indians. With elab- 
orate ceremonies, they were installed in their new function. 
Eloquent speeches were made, accompanied with belts of wam- 
pum. The place of the ceremony of "taking the hatchet out of 
the hand of the Lenape" and of placing them in the situation of 
"the woman" was at Nordman's Kill, about four miles south of 
Albany, New York. The year of the alleged occurrence is un- 
known, but it is said to have been somewhere between 1609 and 
1620. Both the Delawares and the Mohicans told Heckewelder 
that the Dutch were present at this ceremony and had no incon- 
siderable part in the intrigue, the Mohicans explaining that it 
was fear that caused the Dutch of New York to conspire with the 
Mengwe against the Lenape. It appears that, at the place where 
the Dutch were then making their settlement, great bodies of 
warriors would pass and repass, interrupting their undertakings; 
so that they thought it well to have an alliance with the Iroquois. 
Furthermore, the Delawares told Heckewelder that, when the 


English took New York from the Dutch, they stepped into the 
same alHance with the Iroquois that their predecessors had made. 

The Iroquois denied that such an intrigue as related above ever 
took place. They alleged, on the other hand, that they had 
conquered the Lenape in battle and had thus compelled them to 
become "women,"— to submit to the greatest humiliation a 
spirited and warlike nation can suffer. Many historians believe 
that the Delawares imposed upon the venerable Rev. Hecke- 
welder by inventing a cunning tale in explanation of the humilia- 
tion under which they were smarting. Also, President William 
Henry Harrison, in his "Aborigines of the Ohio Valley", gives the 
story of the Delawares little credence. He says that the Dela- 
wares were too sagacious a race to fall into such a snare as they 
allege the Iroquois laid for them. Rev. Heckewelder, the staunch 
friend of the Delawares, calls attention to the fact that, while the 
Iroquois claim they conquered the Delawares by force of arms 
and not by stratagem, yet the Iroquois have no tradition among 
them of the particulars of the conquest. 

So much for the story which the Delawares told Heckewelder. 
Many authorities state, however, that the time of the subjugation 
of the Delawares was much later than the date given Heckewelder. 
Some have stated that the Delawares were not made tributaries 
of the Iroquois until after the coming of William Penn; but the 
celebrated Delaware chief, King Beaver, told Conrad Weiser at 
Aughwick on September 4, 1754, that the subjugation took place 
before Penn's arrival. It has been contended that, when the 
Iroquois finally conquered the Susquehannas, in 1675, the 
Delawares were allies of the Susquehannas, and that therefore 
the overcoming of the Susquehannas included the subjugation of 
the Delawares. At the first extended conference between the 
Pennsylvania Authorities and the Indians, of which a record has 
been preserved, held at Philadelphia on July 6, 1694, the Dela- 
ware chief, Hithquoquean, or Idquoquequoan, advised the 
Colonial Authorities that he and his associate chiefs had shortly 
before this time received a message from the Onondagas and 
Senecas containing the following statement: "You Delaware 
Indians do nothing but stay at home and boil your pots, and are 
like women ; while we Onondagas and Senecas go ahead and fight 
the enemy." We, therefore, conclude that it cannot be stated 
with exactness, just when the subjugation of the Delawares took 
place; and, inasmuch as there is no record of any conquest after 


the time of Penn's arrival, it may be that the subjugation took 
place through fear and intimidation rather than by war. 

Whatever may be the facts as to how the Iroquois reduced the 
Delawares to a state of vassalage — whether by artifice, intimida- 
tion, or warfare — the fact remains that about the year 1720, this 
powerful northern confederacy assumed active dominion over 
them, forbidding them to make war or sales of lands, — a condition 
that existed until the time of the French and Indian War. During 
the summer of 1755, the Delawares declared that they were no 
longer subjects of the Six Nations, and, at Tioga, in the year 1756, 
their great chieftain, Teedyuscung, extorted from the chiefs of 
the Iroquois an acknowledgment of Delaware independence. 
However, from time to time, after 1756, the Iroquois persisted in 
claiming the Delawares were their vassals, until shortly before 
the treaty of Greenville, Darke County, Ohio, in August, 1795, 
when they formally declared the Delaware nation to be no 
longer "women," but MEN. 

Westward Migration of the Delawares 

As early as 1724, Delawares of the Turtle and Turkey clans 
began, by permission of the Six Nations, to migrate from the 
region near the Forks of the Susquehanna to the valleys of the 
Allegheny and Ohio, coming chiefly from the country to the east 
and southeast of Shamokin (Sunbury). They proceeded up the 
east side of the West Branch of the Susquehanna as far as Lock 
Haven, where they crossed this stream, and ascended the valley 
of Bald Eagle Creek to a point near where Milesburg, Center 
County, now stands. From there, they went in a westerly direc- 
tion along Marsh Creek, over or near Indian Grave Hill, near 
Snowshoe and Moshanon, Center County, crossing Moshanon 
Creek; and from there through Morris, Graham, Bradford, and 
Lawrence Townships, Clearfield County, reaching the West 
Branch of the Susquehanna again at Chinklacamoose on the 
site of the present town of Clearfield, Clearfield County. From 
this point, they ascended the West Branch of the Susquehanna 
for a few miles; thence up Anderson's Creek, crossing the divide 
between this stream and the Mahoning, in Brady Township, 
Clearfield County; thence down the Mahoning Valley through 
Punxsutawney, Jefferson County, to a point on the Allegheny 
River, about ten miles below the mouth of the Mahoning, where 
they built their first town in the course of their westward migra- 


tion, which they called Kittanning, — a town famous in the Indian 
annals of Pennsylvania. Other Delaware towns were soon 
established in the Allegheny Valley and other places in the western 
part of the state to which the migration continued until the out- 
break of the French and Indian War. The "Walking Purchase" 
of 1737 caused the westward migration of the Delawares of the 
Wolf clan. Thus it is seen that the Delawares retraced their steps 
across Pennsylvania. By the outbreak of the Revolutionary 
War, nearly all the Delawares had been pressed westward into 

Domain of the Iroquois 

When the historic period of Pennsylvania begins, we find the 
domain of the Five Nations extending from the borders of Ver- 
mont to Lake Erie, and from Lake Ontario to the headwaters of 
the Delaware, Susquehanna, and Allegheny. This territory they 
called their "long house." The Senecas, who lived on the head- 
waters of the Allegheny, and many of whose settlements were 
in Pennsylvania, guarded the western door of the house, the 
Mohawks, the eastern, and the Cayugas, the southern, or that 
which opened on the Susquehanna. 

The principal village and capital of these "Romans of Ameri- 
ca," as DeWitt Clinton called them, was called Onondaga, later 
Onondaga Castle, and was situated from before 1654 to 1681, on 
Indian Hill, in the present town of Pompey, near Onondaga Lake, 
in central New York. In 1677 it contained 140 cabins. After- 
ward it was removed to Butternut Creek, where the castle was 
burned in 1696, in the war between the Five Nations and the 
French. In 1 720, it was again removed to Onondaga Creek, a few 
miles south of Lake Onondaga. 

The Smithsonian Institution, in its "Handbook of American 
Indians," says the following of the Iroquois: "Around the Great 
Council Fire of the League of the Iroquois at Onondaga, with 
punctilious observance of the parliamentary proprieties recog- 
nized in Indian diplomacy and statescraft, and with a decorum 
that would add grace to many legislative assemblies of the white 
man, the federal senators of the Iroquois tribes devised plans, 
formulated policies, and defined principles of government and 
political action, which not only strengthened their state and 
promoted their common welfare, but also deeply affected the 
contemporary history of the whites in North America. To this 
body of half-clad federal chieftains were repeatedly made over- 


tures of peace and friendship by two of the most powerful king- 
doms of Europe, whose statesmen often awaited with apprehen- 
sion the decisions of this senate of North American Savages." And 
Colden in his "History of the Five Nations," says: "The Five 
Nations are a poor and, generally called barbarious people; and 
yet a bright and noble genius shines through these black clouds. 
None of the greatest Roman heroes discovered a greater love to 
their country, or a greater contempt of death, than these people 
called barbarians have done, when liberty came in competition 
. . . They carried their arms as far southward as Carolina, to 
the northward of New England, and as far west as the River 
Mississippi, over a vast country, which extends twelve hundred 
miles in length, and about six hundred miles in breadth; where 
they entirely destroyed many nations, of whom there are now no 
accounts remaining among the English . , . Their great men, 
both Sachems and Captains, are generally poorer than the com- 
mon people; for they affect to give away and distribute all the 
presents and plunder they get in their treaties or in war, so as to 
leave nothing to themselves . . . There is not the least salary or 
any sort of profit annexed to any office, to tempt the covetous or 
sordid; but, on the contrary, every unworthy action is unavoid- 
ably attended with the forfeiture of their commission; for their 
authority is only the esteem of the people, and ceases the moment 
that esteem is lost." 

Says Governor DeWitt Clinton in his discourse on the Iroquois: 
"All their proceedings were conducted with great deliberation, 
and were distinguished for order, decorum and solemnity. In 
eloquence, in dignity, and in all the characteristics of profound 
policy, they surpassed an assembly of feudal barons, and were 
perhaps not far inferior to the great Amphyctionic Council of 

So great was the scourge of the Iroquois that, during the clos- 
ing decades of the seventeenth century and the first two decades 
of the eighteenth century, the region south of Lake Erie on both 
sides of the upper Ohio and Allegheny contained practically no 
Indian population; and the Iroquois looked upon this vast terri- 
tory as their great hunting ground. 
(Speaking of the warfare of the Iroquois, DeWitt Clinton said: 
"They reduced war to a science, and all their movements were 
directed by system and policy. They never attacked a hostile 
country until they had sent out spies to explore and designate its 
vulnerable points, and when they encamped, they observed the 


greatest circumspection to guard against spies. Whatever supe- 
riority of force they might have, they never neglected the use of 
stratagem, employing all the crafty wiles of the Carthagenians." 
The Iroquois commenced their conquests of all the tribes to the 
south and west of them, soon after these "Romans of America" 
acquired firearms from the Dutch on the Hudson River. Tribes 
that were not utterly destroyed or absorbed by them, were held 
in subjugation and ruled by Iroquois deputies or vice-gerents. 
The greatest of these vice-gerents was the renowned Shikellamy, 
who, in 1727 or 1728, was sent by the Great Council at Onondaga 
to rule over the Delawares, Shawnees and other tribes in the 
valley of the Susquehanna, taking up his residence first near 
Milton and later at Shamokin (Sunbury), Pennsylvania. Two 
other vice-gerents sent by the Iroquois to rule over subjugated 
tribes in Pennsylvania were Tanacharison, the Half King, and 
Scarouady, his successor. The former ruled over the Delawares 
and Mohicans of the Ohio Valley, with his residence at Logstown, 
on the north bank of the Ohio, about eighteen miles below Pitts- 
burgh ; and the latter ruled over the Shawnees of the Ohio Valley, 
with his residence also at Logstown. Tanacharison and Scarou- 
ady took up their duties as vice-regents in the year 1747. As we 
shall see, the Iroquois Confederation played an important part 
in the Indian history of Pennsylvania. 

The Shawnees 

The Shawnees, too, occupied parts of Pennsylvania during 
the historic period. The name means "Southerners." They were 
a branch of the Algonquin family, and are believed to have lived 
in the Ohio Valley in remote ages, and to have built many of the 
mounds and earthworks found there. Some have attempted to 
identify them with the Eries of the early Jesuits, the Massawo- 
mecks of Smith, and the Andaste, but without success. The tra- 
ditional history of the Lenape, the Walum Olum, connects them, 
the Lenape, and Nanticokes as one people, the separation having 
taken place after the Alligewi, (Cherokees) were driven from the 
Ohio Valley by the Lenape and the Mengwe (Iroquois) on their 
onward march eastward across the continent. Then the Shaw- 
nees went south. Their real history begins in 1669-70, when they 
were living in two bodies a great distance apart, — one body being 
in South Carolina and the other in the Cumberland basin in Ten- 
nessee. Between these two bodies were the then friendly Chero- 


kees, who claimed the land vacated by the Shawnees when the 
latter subsequently migrated to the North. The Shawnees living 
in South Carolina were called Savannahs by the early settlers. 

As we shall see, later in this chapter, the Iroquois destroyed the 
Eries about 1655 or 1656. Shortly thereafter, these northern 
conquerors began a conquest of the Shawnees, which, according 
to Charlevoix, they completed in 1672. 

On account, probably, of dissatisfaction with the early settlers, 
the Shawnees of South Carolina began a general movement to the 
north in 1690, and continued it at intervals for thirty years. The 
first reference to this tribe to be found in the Provincial records of 
Pennsylvania is probably a deposition made before the Provincial 
Council, December 19, 1693, by Polycarpus Rose. In this deposi- 
tion there is a reference to "strange Indians" called "Shallna- 
rooners." These strange Indians appear to have made a tempo- 
rary stop in Chester County in migrating possibly from Maryland 
to the Forks of the Delaware or to Pequea Creek. Many authori- 
ties believe these "strange Indians" mentioned in the affidavit of 
Polycarpus Rose to have been Shawnees. This is conjecture. 

But, leaving the realm of conjecture and entering the realm 
of historical truth, we find that the first Shawnees to enter Penn- 
sylvania were a party who settled on the Delaware at Pecho- 
quealin near the Water Gap, in the summer of 1694, or shortly 
thereafter. These came from the Shawnee villages on the lower 
Ohio. Arnold Viele, a Dutch trader, from Albany, New York, 
spent the winter of 1692-1693 with the Shawnees on the lower 
Ohio, returning in the summer of 1694, and bringing with him a 
number of this tribe who settled at Pechoquealin. Pechoquealin 
was a regional name whose center seems to have been the mouth 
of Shawnee Run in Lower Smithfield Township, Monroe County, 
and which included the surrounding territory on both sides of 
the Delaware, above the Delaware Water Gap. Viele was 
probably the first white man to explore the region between the 
valleys of the Susquehanna and the Ohio. 

About four years later, or in 1697 or 1698, about seventy 
families of Shawnees came from Cecil County, Maryland, and 
settled on the Susquehanna River, near the Conestoga Indians, 
in Lancaster County. Probably at about the same time others 
migrated to the Ohio Valley. At the mouth of Pequea Creek, 
Lancaster County, the seventy families come from Maryland, 
built their village, also called Pequea. Their chief was Wapatha, 
or Opessah. They secured permission from the Colonial Govern- 


ment to reside near the Conestogas, and the latter became security 
for their good behavior, under the authority of the Iroquois Con- 
federation. By invitation of the Delawares, a party of seven 
hundred Shawnees came soon after and settled with the Munsee 
Clan on the Delaware River, the main body taking up their abode 
at the mouth of the Lehigh, near Easton, while others went as far 
south as the mouth of the Schuylkill. Those who had settled on 
the Delaware afterwards removed to the Wyoming Valley near 
the present town of Plymouth, Luzerne County, on a broad plain 
still called Shawnee Flats. This band under Kakowatcheky re- 
moved from Pechoquealin to the Wyoming Valley in 1728; and it 
is probable that they were joined there by those who had settled 
at Pequea, which was abandoned about 1730. 

The Shawnees also had a village on the flats at the mouth of 
Fishing Creek, near Bloomsburg, and another at Catawissa, — 
both being in Columbia County. They had other villages in the 
eastern part of the state on the Swatara, Paxtang, Susquehanna, 
and Delaware. Several villages were scattered along the west side 
of the Susquehanna, between the mouth of Yellow Breeches Creek 
and the Conodoguinet, in Cumberland County. Another of their 
villages, called Chenastry, was at the mouth of Chillisquaque 
Creek on the east side of the West Branch of the Susquehanna, 
in Northumberland County. 

The Shawnees from Tennessee migrated to the Ohio Valley, 
finally collecting along the north bank of the Ohio in Penn- 
sylvania as far as the mouth of the Monongahela, about the year 
1730. Sauconk and Logstown were villages on the Ohio which 
they established possibly as early as that time. The former was 
at the mouth of the Beaver, and the latter on the north bank of 
the Ohio, about eighteen miles below Pittsburgh. 

Another clan of Shawnees, called the Sewickleys, Asswikales, 
Shaweygila, and Hathawekela, came from South Carolina prior 
to 1730 by way of Old Town, Maryland and Bedford, Pa., and 
settled in different parts of Southwestern Pennsylvania. Their 
principal village called Sewickley Town was at the junction of 
this creek and the Youghiogheny River, in Westmoreland County. 
They were probably the first Shawnees to settle in Western 

The Shawnees of the eastern part of Pennsylvania eventually 
went to the Ohio and Allegheny Valleys. In the report of the 
Albany congress of 1754, it is found that some of the tribe had 
moved from the eastern part of the state to the Ohio about thirty 


years previously; and, in 1734, another Shawnee band consisting 
of about forty famiUes and described as living on the Allegheny, 
refused to return to the Susquehanna at the solicitation of the 
Delawares and Iroquois. During their westward migration, they 
established villages on the Juniata and Conemaugh. About the 
year 1755 or 1756, practically all the Shawnees abandoned the 
Susquehanna and other parts of eastern Pennsylvania, and joined 
their brethren on the Ohio, where they became allies of the French 
in the French and Indian War. By the outbreak of the Rev- 
olutionary War, nearly all the Shawnees had been pressed west- 
ward into Ohio. 

There is something mysterious in the wanderings of the Shaw- 
nees. As we have seen, their home, in remote times, was in the 
Ohio Valley; then we later hear of them in the South; and still 
later they came to Pennsylvania. There is good evidence, how- 
ever, tending to show that that body of the Shawnees which 
entered Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, in 1697 or 1698, came 
originally from as far west as the region of Fort St. Louis, near 
the town of Utica, LaSalle County, Illinois, leaving that place in 
1683 and being accompanied in their wanderings to Maryland by 
Martin Chartier, a French Canadian, who had spent some eight 
or nine years among them. At any rate, this band reached Mary- 
land near the mouth of the Susquehanna in 1692, and such is the 
story they told. They gradually moved up the Susquehanna to 
Lancaster County, as we have seen, where Chartier became a 
trader at their village of Pequea, on the east side of the Susque- 
hanna near the mouth of Pequea Creek, and only a few miles 
from Conestoga, which was on the north side of Conestoga Creek. 

The Shawnees who settled at Paxtang, on or near the site of 
Harrisburg, most likely came from Pequea.* Before 1727, many 
of this tribe from Paxtang and Pequea had settled on the west 
side of the Susquehanna River at what is now New Cumberland, 
near the mouth of Yellow Breeches Creek and as far north as the 
mouth of the Conodoquinet. These dwellers on the west side of 
the Susquehanna, about the year 1727, crossed the mountains to 
the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny. Some, however, had gone 
to Big Island (Lock Haven) before going to the Ohio region. 

Opessah, the chief of the Shawnees on the lower Susquehanna, 
did not remove to the Ohio or Allegheny Valley. He remained at 
Pequea until 1711, when he abandoned both his chieftainship and 
his tribe, and sought a home among the Delawares of Sassoonan's 
clan. It is not clear why he abandoned his people. There is a 

♦There were never many Shawnees at Paxtang, their larger settlements in this region being 
on the west side of the Susquehanna. 


traditionary account that he left because he became enamoured 
of a Delaware squaw, who refused to leave her own people. Later, 
in 1722, he removed to what was called Opessah's town on the 
Potomac, now Old Town, Maryland. 

Neither the Pennsylvania Archives nor the Colonial Records 
show the name of the chief of those Shawnees who settled at 
Pechoquealin until 1728, when their head man was Kakowatchey. 
Some of Kakowatchey's clan removed directly to the Ohio before 
1732, but a majority seem to have gone only as far as the Wyom- 
ing Valley in Luzerne County, where, as we have seen, they took 
up their abode on the west side of the North Branch of the Sus- 
quehanna at a place subsequently known as Shawnee Flats, just 
below the site of the present town of Plymouth. Their town at 
this place was called Skehandowana (Iroquois for "Great Flats"), 
and it remained a town of considerable importance until 1743. 
Some time after April of that year, Kakowatchey himself, with 
a number of his followers removed from Skehandowana and 
settled at Logstown on the Ohio. 

After Kakowatchey left Wyoming, Paxinosa became chief of 
the Shawnees who still remained at that place. He said that he 
was born "at Ohio", and possibly he was one of the company cf 
Shawnees who accompanied Arnold Viele to the Pechoquealin 

A number of the Shawnees at Chenastry, on the West Branch 
of the Susquehanna, near the mouth of Chillisquaque Creek, ^ye^t 
to the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny prior to the autumn Cff 
1727 to hunt, and no doubt some of them made their permaner.t 
homes or took up their abode in this western region, during or 
prior to the summer of 1727. - -. 

But sorne of the Shawnees went directly from Maryland to the 
Ohio and Allegheny, Two chiefs of the Potomac Shawn2&s, 
Opaketchwa and Opakeita, by name, came from the Ohio Valley 
to Philadelphia in September, 1732, after they had abandoned 
their town on the north branch of the Potomac. Governor Gordon 
asked them why they had gone "so far back into the woods as 
Allegheny," and they replied that "formerly they had lived at 
'Patawmack' [Potomac], where their king died; that, having Iqst 
him, they knew not what to do; that they then took their wives 
and children and went over the mountains (to Allegheny) to 

In concluding this sketch of the Shawnees, we state that one 
of their reasons for migrating from Eastern Pennsylvania to the 


Ohio Valley was to escape the ruinous effects of the rum traffic. 
The Colony of Pennsylvania made many attempts to persuade 
them to return to their eastern homes, fearing that they would 
yield to French influence if they remained in the valleys of the 
Ohio and Allegheny. The powerful Iroquois were asked to join 
in the attempt to persuade them to return. The Iroquois, at the 
Treaty of 1732, promised the Pennsylvania Authorities to use 
their influence with the Shawnees, and kept their promise. But 
all efforts to persuade them to return nearer the eastern settle- 
ments of the Colony were without avail. 

The Tuscaroras 

Another Indian tribe inhabiting portions of Pennsylvania 
within the historic period was the Tuscaroras. They were of the 
Iroquoian linguistic group. It will be recalled that this tribe, 
after being expelled from North Carolina and Virginia, sought 
an asylum with the Five Nations, and was later, in 1722, admitted 
formally as an addition to the Iroquois Confederacy, making the 
Six Nations. The Tuscaroras had suffered greatly in wars with 
the people of North Carolina and Virginia, before they were ex- 
pelled in 1712. Their women were debauched by the whites, and 
both men and women were kidnapped and sold into slavery. 

'Some were brought as far north as Pennsylvania, and sold as 

^ slaves. 

. '.' "Surveyor-General Lawson, of North Carolina, who, in Septem- 

. bar, 1711, was captured and executed by the Tuscaroras, says 

"tli'e following of these Indians: 

-"They have really been better to us [the people of North Caro- 
lina] than we have been to them, as they always freely give us of 
their victuals at their quarters, while we let them walk by our 
doors hungry, and do not often relieve them. We look upon them 
with disdain and scorn, and think them little better than beasts 
in. human form; while, with all our religion and education, we 
pos'sess more moral deformities and vices than these people do." 
' ^'Moreover, the colonists of North Carolina, like the Puritans of 
N'ew England, did not recognize in the Indian any right to the 
goil r and so the lands of the Tuscaroras were appropriated with- 
out any thought of purchase. They had suffered these and similar 
wrongs for many years, and, as early as 1710, sent a petition to 
the Government of Pennsylvania reciting their wrongs and 
stating that they desired to remove to a more just and friendly 


government. Governor Charles Gookin and the Provincial 
Council of Pennsylvania dispatched two commissioners to meet 
the embassy which brought the petition, at Conestoga, Lancaster 
County, on June 8, 1710, where they found not only the Tus- 
carora embassy, but Civility and four other Conestoga chiefs, 
as well as Opessah, head chief of the Shawnees. 

The names of the Tuscarora ambassadors were: Iwaagenst, 
Terrutawanaren and Teonnotein. The account of their meeting 
with the Pennsylvania commissioners is contained in Pa. Ar- 
chives, Vol. 2, pages 511 and 512. 

In the presence of the Pennsylvania officials, the Tuscarora 
ambassadors delivered their proposals, which were attested by 
eight belts of wampum. This petition was a very lucid and 
condensed statement of the wrongs suffered by the Tuscaroras 
in their southern home. 

By the first belt, the aged women and mothers of the tribe be- 
sought the friendship of the Christian people and the Indians and 
Government of Pennsylvania, so that they might bring wood and 
water without danger. By the second, the children, born and 
unborn, implored that they might be permitted to play without 
danger of slavery. By the third, the young men sought the 
privilege of leaving their towns to pursue the game in the forest 
for the sustenance of the aged, without fear of death or slavery. 
By the fourth, the old men sought the privilege of spending their 
declining days in peace. By the fifth, the entire Tuscarora nation 
sought a firm and lasting peace with all the blessings attached 
thereto. By the sixth, the chiefs and sachems sought the estab- 
lishment of lasting peace with the Government and Indians of 
Pennsylvania, so that they would be relieved from "those fearful 
apprehensions which they have these several years felt." By 
the seventh, the Tuscaroras implored a "cessation from murder- 
ing and taking them," so that they might not be in terror upon 
every rustling of the leaves of the forest by the winds. By the 
eighth, the entire Tuscarora tribe, being hitherto strangers to 
the colony of Pennsylvania, implored that the sons of "Brother 
Onas" might take them by the hand and lead them, so that they 
might lift up their heads in the wilderness without fear of slavery 
or death. 

This petition, it is seen, was couched in the metaphorical lan- 
guage of the Indian; but its plain meaning proves it to be a state- 
ment of a tribe at bay, who, on account of the large numbers of 
their people killed, kidnapped, or sold into slavery by the settlers 


of North Carolina, were endeavoring to defend their offspring, 
friends, and kindred, and were seeking a more friendly dwelling 
place in the North, within the domain of the just government of 
Penn, the apostle. 

The Provincial Council of Pennsylvania advised the Tusca- 
rora ambassadors that, before they could consent to the Tusca- 
roras taking up their abode within the bounds of Penn's Province, 
they should first be required to produce a certificate from the 
colonial authorities of North Carolina as to their good behavior 
in that colony. This, of course, the Tuscaroras were unable to do. 
Then, the Conestoga chiefs, by the advice of their council, 
determined to send the wampum belts, or petition, of the Tusca- 
roras to the Five Nations of New York. This was done, and it 
was the reception of these belts, setting forth the pitiful message 
of the Tuscaroras, that moved the Five Nations to take steps to 
shield and protect the Tuscaroras, and eventually receive them, 
in 1722, as an additional member of the Iroquois Confederation. 

In their migration northward, the Tuscaroras did not all leave 
their ancient southern homes at once. Some sought an asylum 
among other southern tribes, and lost their identity. However, 
the major portion came north, and many of them resided for a 
number of years in Pennsylvania, before going to New York, the 
seat of the Five Nations. In fact, the Tuscaroras were ninety 
years in making their exodus from their North Carolina home to 
more friendly dwelling places in the North. 

One body of the Tuscaroras, on their way north, tarried in the 
Juniata Valley in Juniata County, Pennsylvania, for many years, 
giving their name to the Tuscarora Mountain. There is evidence 
of their having been there as late as 1755. Another band settled 
about two miles west of Tamaqua, in Schuylkill County, where 
they planted an orchard and lived for a number of years. Also, 
in May, 1766, a band of Tuscaroras halted at the Moravian 
mission at Friedenshuetten, on the Susquehanna in Bradford 
County, and remained there several weeks. Some remained at 
the mission, and these had planted their crops in 1766, at the 
mouth of Tuscarora Creek, Wyoming County. 

In a word, the residence places of the Tuscaroras in Pennsyl- 
vania during their migration to New York, were those localities 
where their name has been preserved ever since, such as: Tusca- 
rora Mountain dividing Franklin and Perry Counties from Hunt- 
ingdon and Juniata; Tuscarora Path Valley (now Path Valley) in 
the western part of Franklin County at the eastern base of Tusca- 


rora Mountain ; Tuscarora Creek running through the valley be- 
tween Tuscarora and Shade mountains, which valley forms the 
greater part of Juniata County; and also the stream called Tusca- 
rora Creek running down through the southeastern part of Brad- 
ford County and joining the North Branch of the Susquehanna 
in the northwestern part of Wyoming County. The Tuscarora 
Path marks the route followed by the Tuscaroras during their 
migration to New York and of their subsequent journeyings to 
and fro between New York and Pennsylvania on the north and 
Virginia and North Carolina on the south. 

The Conoy, Ganawese or Piscataway 

The Conoy, also called the Ganawese and the Piscataway, in- 
habited parts of Pennsylvania during the historic period. They 
were an Algonquin tribe, closely related to the Delawares, whom 
they called "grandfathers," and from whose ancestral stem they 
no doubt sprang. Heckewelder, an authority on the history of the 
Delawares and kindred tribes, believed them to be identical with 
the Kanawha, for whom the chief river of West Virginia is named ; 
and it seems that the names, Conoy and Ganawese, are simply 
different forms of the name Kanawha, though it is difficult to 
explain the application of the same name to the Piscataway tribe 
of Maryland, except on the theory that this tribe once lived on 
the Kanawha. 

As stated formerly, the Conestogas, when defeated by the 
Iroquois in 1675, invaded the territory of the Piscataways in 
western Maryland. This, it is believed, caused the northward 
migration of the Piscataways. At any rate, they shortly there- 
after retired slowly up the Potomac, some entering Pennsylvania 
about 1698 or 1699, and the rest a few years later. The Iroquois 
assigned them lands at Conejoholo, also called Connejaghera 
and Dekanoagah, on the east side of the Susquehanna at the 
present town of Washington Borough, Lancaster County. Later 
they removed higher up the Susquehanna to what was called 
Conoy Town, at the mouth of Conoy Creek, in Lancaster County. 
Still later they gradually made their way up the Susquehanna, 
stopping at Harrisburg, Shamokin (Sunbury), Catawissa, and 
Wyoming; and in 1765, were living in southern New York. After 
their arrival in Pennsylvania, they were generally called Conoy. 
During their residence in Pennsylvania, their villages, especially 
those on the lower Susquehanna, were stopping places for war 


parties of the Iroquois on their way to and return from attacks 
upon the Catawbas in the South ; and this fact made considerable 
trouble for the Colonial Authorities as well as the Conoy. 

The Nanticokes 

The Nanticokes, also, dwelt within the bounds of Pennsyl- 
vania during the historic period. These were an Algonquin tribe, 
formerly living on the Nanticoke River on the eastern shore of 
Maryland, where Captain John Smith, in 1608, located their prin- 
cipal village called Nanticoke. They were of the same parent 
stem as the Delawares. The tenth verse of the fifth song of the 
Walum Olum, the sacred tribal history of the Lenape, contains 
the statement that "the Nanticokes and the Shawnees went to 
the Southlands." It is not clear, however, where the separation 
of the Nanticokes from the Lenape took place, but Heckewelder 
states that they separated from the Lenape after these had 
reached the eastern part of the United States, and that the 
Nanticokes then went southward in search of hunting and trap- 
ping grounds, they being great hunters and trappers. 

A short time after the settlement of Maryland, they had diffi- 
culties with the settlers of that colony. They were formally de- 
clared enemies in 1642, and the strife was not ended until a treaty 
entered into in 1678. A renewal of hostilities was threatened in 
1687, but happily prevented, and peace was once more reaffirmed. 
In 1698, and from that time forward as long as they remained 
within the bounds of Lord Baltimore's colony, reservations were 
set aside for them. At this early day they began a gradual migra- 
tion northward, though a small part remained in Maryland. The 
migration to the North covered many years. On their way they 
stopped for a time on the Susquehanna as guests of the Conoy; 
later at the mouth of the Juniata; and still later, in 1748 the 
greater part of this tribe went up the Susquehanna, halting at 
various points and finally settling, during the French and Indian 
War, under the protection of the Iroquois, at Chenango, Chugnut, 
and Owego, on the east branch of the Susquehanna in southern 
New York. For a number of years, their principal seat in Penn- 
sylvania was on the east bank of the Susquehanna below the 
mouth of the Lackawanna, not far from Pittston, Luzerne 
County. Other villages of this tribe were on Nanticoke Creek 
and at or near the site of the present town of Nanticoke, Luzerne 


As late as 1766 and 1767, bands of Nanticokes passed through 
the Moravian mission at Wyalusing (Friedenshuetten), Bradford 
County, on their way to what is now the state of New York. 

Many marvelous stories were told concerning this tribe. One 
was that they were said to have been the inventors of a poisonous 
substance by which they could destroy a whole settlement at once. 
They were also accused of being skilled in the art of witchcraft, 
and, on this account they were greatly feared by the neighboring 
tribes. Heckewelder states that he knew Indians who firmly be- 
lieved that the Nanticokes had men among them who, if they 
wished, could destroy a whole army by merely blowing their 
breath toward them. 

They had the singular custom of removing the bones of their 
dead from place to place during their migrations, and this they 
would do even in cases where the dead had not been buried long 
enough to be reduced to a skeleton. In cases where the dead had 
not been buried long, they would scrape the flesh from the bones, 
reinter it, and then take the skeleton with them. Heckewelder re- 
lates that between the years 1750 and 1760 he saw several bands 
of Nanticokes go through the Moravian town of Bethlehem, Penn- 
sylvania, on their migration northward, loaded with the bones of 
their relatives and friends. At this time Heckewelder was a boy, 
having been born in 1743. 

The Tutelo 

The Tutelo were a Siouan tribe, related to the Sioux, of Dakota 
of the far Northwest. For some time before their entering Penn- 
sylvania soon after 1722, they had been living in North Carolina 
and Virginia. They were first mentioned by Captain John Smith, 
of Virginia, in 1609, as occupying the upper waters of the James 
and Rappahannock, and were described by him as being very 
barbarous. Their first seat in Pennsylvania was at Shamokin 
(Sunbury) where they resided under Iroquois protection. At this 
place, the Rev. David Brainerd found them in 1745. Later they 
moved up the Susquehanna to Skogari. In 1771, the Tutelo were 
settled on the east side of Cayuga inlet about three miles from the 
south end of the lake of that name in New York. How this tribe 
became so widely separated from the western Sioux still remains 

The Conoy, the Nanticoke, and the Tutelo were not large 
tribes. In 1763, according to Sir William Johnson, the three 
tribes numbered about one thousand souls. 


As has been stated, the Shawnees, the Conoy, and the Nanti- 
cokes, belonged to the Algonquin parent stem; the Tutelo to the 
Siouan; and the Tuscarora to the Iroquoian. These three groups 
were widely separated. It is thus seen that, at the time when the 
English, the Germans and the Scotch-Irish, and other European 
races were coming to Pennsylvania, as widely separated races of 
North American Indians were coming from the South to make 
their homes in its wilderness and along its streams. Of these in- 
coming tribes, the one to figure most prominently in the history 
of Pennsylvania was the Shawnee. Following Braddock's defeat, 
July 9th, 1755, Pennsylvania suffered the bloodiest Indian in- 
vasion in American history, — the invasion of the Shawnees and 
Delawares, brought about in part, by the fact that the Shawnees 
yielded to French influence. However, as we shall see, the 
fraudulent "Walking Purchase" of 1737 and the Purchase of 1754 
had much to do with causing these two powerful Indian tribes 
to take up arms against Pennsylvania. 

The Eries 

The Eries, also known as the Erieehronons, were populous 
sedentary tribe of Iroquoian stock, which, in the seventeenth cen- 
tury, inhabited that part of Pennsylvania extending from Lake 
Erie to the Allegheny River, possibly as far south as the Ohio 
River, and eastward to the lands of the Susquehannas. They 
are also known as the Cat Nation, from the abundance of wild 
cats and panthers in their territory. Recorded history gives only 
glimpses of them; but it appears that they had many towns and 
villages, and that their town, Rique, had, in 1654, between 3,000 
and 4,000 combatants, exclusive of women and children. Rique 
was located, as nearly as can be determined, at or near where the 
city of Erie, Pennsylvania, now stands. 

In the Jesuit Relation of 1653, it is stated that the Eries were 
forced to proceed farther inland in order to escape their enemies 
dwelling west of them. Who these enemies were is not positively 
known. Finally, about 1655 or 1656, they were conquered by the 
Iroquois. The conquerors entered their palisaded town of Rique, 
and there "wrought such carnage among the women and children 
that the blood was knee-deep in places." However, this victory 
at Rique was dearly bought by the Iroquois, who were compelled 
to remain in the country of the Eries two months to care for the 
wounded and bury the dead. The Erie power now being broken, 


the people were either destroyed, dispersed, or led into captivity. 
Six hundred Eries, who had surrendered at one time, were taken 
to the Iroquois country and adopted. There is a tradition that, 
some years after the defeat of the Eries, a band of their descend- 
ants came from the West, ascended the Allegheny River, and 
attacked the Senecas, and were slain to a man. 

According to the Jesuit Relation of 1655-56, the cause of the 
war between the Iroquois and the Eries was the accidental killing 
of a Seneca by one of thirty Erie ambassadors who had gone to 
the Seneca capital, Sonontouan, to renew the then existing peace 
between these two tribes. The Senecas then put all the Erie 
ambassadors to death, except five, and determined to exterminate 
the tribe. However, before being utterly defeated at Rique, the 
Eries were successful in burning a Seneca town and in defeating a 
body of Senecas, which events aroused the Senecas to savage 
wrath, causing them to invade the Erie country with eighteen 
hundred warriors and to destroy the town of Rique. 

The estimated population of the Eries in 1654 was 14,500. Be- 
sides Rique, they had another large town, Gentaienton, located, 
it seems, in the southern part of Erie County, New York. 

The Wenro 

The Wenro, a tribe of Iroquoian stock, also known as the 
Ahouenrochrhonons, are mentioned in the Jesuit Relation as hav- 
ing dwelt some time prior to 1639, "beyond the Erie," or Cat 
Nation; and it is probable that their habitat was on the upper 
territory of the Allegheny, and, part of it at least, within the 
bounds of the State of Pennsylvania. This tribe, too, fell before 
the arms of the Iroquois. A notation on Captain John Smith's 
map of his explorations, says that they traded with the whites 
on the Delaware River. 

The Black Minquas 

The Wenro seem to have been allied with the Black Minquas 
who, according to Herrmann's map of 1670, are placed in the 
region west of the Allegheny Mountains, and on the Ohio, or 
"Black Minquas River." The Jesuit Relation states that both 
the Wenro and the Black Minquas traded with the people on the 
upper Delaware, some going by way of the West Branch of the 
Susquehanna, down to Sunbury (Shamokin), up to Wyoming, 


and then across to the Delaware River, near the Water Gap ; and 
others reaching the Delaware by way of the Conemaugh, Juniata, 
and Susquehanna. The Black Minquas were so called because 
"they carried a black badge on their breast." About all that is 
known of the fate of this tribe is the legend on Herrmann's map, 
which reads: "A very great river called Black Minquas River — 
where formerly those Black Minquas came over the Susque- 
hanna, as far as the Delaware to trade; but the Sasquhana and the 
Sinnicus Indians went over and destroyed that very great nation." 

The Akansea 

A Siouan tribe, the Akansea, in remote times, occupied the 
upper Ohio Valley, according to many historians, and were 
driven out by the Iroquois. This stream was called the "River of 
the Akansea," because this tribe lived upon its shores. When or 
how long this river valley was their habitat, is not known. 

No other rivers in Pennsylvania, or on the continent, have seen 
more changes in the races of Indians living in their valleys than 
have the Ohio and the Allegheny, — the dwelling place of the 
Alligewi; the Delawares, or Lenape, in the course of their migra- 
tion eastward; the Akansea; the Shawnees; the Black Minquas; 
the Eries ; the Wenro ; the Senecas ; then once more the Shawnees 
and Delawares in their march toward the setting sun before the 
great tide of white immigration. What battles and conquests, 
all untold, took place in the valleys of these historic streams be- 
fore the white man set foot upon their shores! Who would not 
seek to draw aside the curtain, which, it seems, must forever 
hide this unrecorded history from our view? 

Having given this survey of the Indian tribes that inhabited 
Pennsylvania, we shall devote the next chapter to a brief treat- 
ment of the Indian policy of the Swedes on the Delaware and 
William Penn. 


The Swedes and William Penn 

Founding of New Sweden 

AS early as 1624, Sweden's most famous king, Gustavus 
^Adolphus, one of the heroic and admirable characters of all 
time, proposed to found a free state in the New World, "where 
the laborer should reap the fruits of his toil, where the rights of 
conscience should be inviolate," and which should be an asylum 
for the persecuted of every nation and every clime. At that time, 
the awful Thirty Years War was raging in Europe, and amid its 
fire and blood and desolation, the Swedish King had a vision of 
such a "Holy Experiment" as William Penn started more than 
half a century later. Before he could carry out his plans of 
colonization, the noble Gustavus Adolphus laid down his life on 
the bloody battle-field of Lutzen, Germany, on November 16th, 
1632. According to Bancroft and others, the King, just a few 
days before his death, recommended his noble enterprise to the 
people of Germany, as he had before to the people of his beloved 

Christina, the daughter of Gustavus Adolphus, succeeded her 
father to the throne of Sweden, and was destined to play a vital 
part in the development of the plans of her illustrious parent. 
Late in the autumn of 1737, two ships left Sweden carrying a 
small band of resolute emigrants purposing to establish a Swedish 
colony in ihe New World under the patronage of Queen Christina. 
These ships, commanded by Peter Minuit, who had been the 
Dutch Company's director at Manhattan from 1626 to 1632, 
arrived on the west bank of the Delaware River, in the middle of 
March, 1638. Charmed by the beauty of the region, the Swedes 
gave the name of Paradisudden (Paradise Point) to a particularly 
beautiful spot where they landed temporarily. Passing on up 
the river, their ships arrived at the Minquas Kill of the Dutch 
(White Clay and Christina Creeks), which enters the Delaware 
from the west. The ships then sailed up the Minquas Kill some 


distance, and cast anchor at a place where some Indians had 
pitched their wigwams. 

Peter Minuit then fired a salute of two guns and went ashore 
with some of his men to reconnoiter and establish connection with 
the Indians. They also went some distance into the country. 
Minuit then returned to his ship. The roar of his cannon had 
the desired elTect; several Indian chiefs made their appearance, 
and Minuit at once arranged a conference with them for the sale 
of land. The leader of these chiefs was Mattahorn. Possibly 
Minuit from his acquaintance with the Dutch trade on the Dela- 
ware River during his administration at Manhattan, had some 
previous knowledge of this chieftain. Minuit and the chiefs had 
no difftculty in coming to an agreement. He explained to the 
Indians that he wanted ground on which to build a "house," and 
other ground on which to plant. For the former he ofTered a 
"kettle and other articles," and for the latter, half of the tobacco 
raised upon it. On the same, or following day, Mattahorn and 
five other chiefs went aboard one of the ships of the Swedes and 
sold as much "of the land on all parts and places of the river, up 
the river, and on both sides, as Minuit requested." 

The merchandise specified in the deeds being given to them, 
the chiefs traced their totem marks on the documents, and Peter 
Minuit, Mans Kling, and others signed their names below. The 
extent of this purchase embraced the territory lying below the 
Minquas Kill to Duck Creek, a distance of forty miles and up the 
river to the Schuylkill, a distance of twenty-seven miles along the 
bank of the Delaware, in both cases stretching an indefinite dis- 
tance to the westward. The purchase being concluded, Minuit 
with his ofificers and soldiers went ashore. A pole was then erected 
with the Coat of Arms of Sweden upon it; "and with the report of 
cannon, followed by other solemn ceremonies, the land was called 
New Sweden." 

To be specific, the lands purchased by the Swedes from the 
Indians extended along the west bank of the Delaware from the 
mouth of Minquas Creek to a point opposite Trenton, New 
Jersey. Near the mouth of Minquas Creek, so named by them 
because it was one of the main trails to the land of the Minquas 
or Susquehannas, they erected Fort Christina, named in honor 
of the Swedish Queen. As stated in Chapter II, the Swedes also 
purchased lands from the Susquehanna tribe. It is probable that 
a large part of this purchase was a confirmation of the purchase 
from the Delawares. 


The first Indians with whom the Swedes dealt in making the 
first settlements within the bounds of Pennsylvania, were the 
Delawares or Lenape of the Unalachtigo or Turkey Clan. At 
that time, the Delawares on the lower reaches of the river of the 
same name were called "River Indians," and it seems true that 
they were subject to the authority of the Minquas or Susque- 
hannas. It has been contended, as pointed out in Chapter II, 
that the conquering of the Susquehannas by the Iroquois, in 
1675, carried with it the subjugation of the Delawares. Soon 
after the founding of their first settlements on Pennsylvania soil, 
the Swedes dealt also with the Minquas or Susquehannas, carry- 
ing on a vast fur trade with them and thereby incurring the 
jealousy and enmity of the Dutch at Manhattan, a fact which led 
to the overthrow of New Sweden by the Dutch, in 1655. It is 
said that the Swedes exported 30,000 skins during the first year 
of their occupancy of Fort Christina, and, as was stated in 
Chapter II, Governor-General John Printz, of New Sweden, in 
his report for the year 1647, says that, because of the conflict of 
his colonists with the Dutch, he had suffered a loss of "8,000 or 
9,000 beavers which have passed out of our hands" and which, 
but for the Dutch, would have been gotten from "the great 
traders, the Minquas." As was stated in Chapter II, the Swedes 
assisted the Susquehannas in their struggle against the might of 
the Iroquois, furnishing them arms for their warriors after the 
manner of European soldiers. 

Indian Policy of the Swedes 

The principles on which New Sweden was founded and the 
benevolent intentions of the Swedes towards the Indians are 
thus set forth in the letter granting the privileges to the colonists, 
signed by Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna, of Sweden, dated January 
24th, 1640, and directed to the Commandant and inhabitants of 
Fort Christina. 

"As regards religion, we are willing to permit that, besides the 
Augsburg Confession, [of the Lutheran Church], the exercise of 
the pretended reformed religion may be established and observed 
in that country, in such manner, however, that those who profess 
the one or the other religion live in peace, abstaining from every 
useless dispute, from all scandal and all abuse. The patrons of 
this colony shall be obliged to support, at all times, as many 
ministers and school masters as the number of inhabitants shall 


seem to require, and to choose, moreover, for this purpose, persons 
who have at heart the conversion of the pagan inhabitants to Chris- 

The policy of the Swedes towards the Indians is more speci- 
fically set forth in the "Instructions to Governor John Printz," 
dated at Stockholm, August 15th, 1642, as follows: 

"The wild nations, bordering on all sides, the Governor shall 
treat with all humanity and respect, and so that no violence or 
wrong be done to them by Her Royal Majesty or her subjects 
aforesaid; but he shall rather . . . exert himself that the same 
wild people may be gradually instructed in the truths and wor- 
ship of the Christian religion, and in other ways brought to 
civilization and good government, and in this manner properly 
guided. Especially shall he seek to gain their confidence, and 
impress upon their minds that neither he, the Governor, nor his 
people and subordinates are come into these parts to do them any 
wrong, or injury, but much more for the purpose of furnishing 
them with such things as they may need for the ordinary wants 
of life." 

These "Instructions" further admonished the Governor that 
he "must bear in mind that the wild inhabitants of the country" 
are "its rightful lords." 

There is no sublimer chapter in American history than the 
story of the relations between the Swedes on the Delaware and 
the aborigines of Pennsylvania. The Swede treated the Indian 
with justice. He recognized that there was a title in the Indian 
to the land which he loved with an undying love, the land where 
he was born and where his fathers were born for countless genera- 
tions. Furthermore, the Swede labored with success in convert- 
ing the Indians to the Christian faith. The Swedish Lutheran 
clergyman, the Reverend John Campanius, who accompanied 
Governor John Printz to New Sweden in 1643, was active as a 
missionary among the Delawares and translated Martin Luther's 
Catechism into the Delaware tongue, — the first book to be trans- 
lated into the language of the North American Indians. The 
petition, "Give us this day our daily bread," Campanius trans- 
lated, "Give us this day a plentiful supply of venison and corn." 
This Lutheran clergyman was the first missionary of the Christian 
religion to labor among the Indians of Pennsylvania; and the 
Swedish Lutheran church at Tinicum, which he dedicated on 
September 4th, 1646, and of which he was pastor, "was the first 
regularly dedicated church building within the limits of Penn- 


sylvania." The Rev. Campanius is sometimes referred to as 
Campanius Holm. "Holm" indicates that he was from Stock- 

The year 1644 was the only year in which Indian troubles 
threatened New Sweden, The cause of this trouble was the 
fact that the Dutch at Manhattan adopted a course of "exter- 
mination" of the Indians on the lower reaches of the Hudson, and 
during the years 1644 and 1645, had killed sixteen hundred of the 
natives at Manhattan and in its neighborhood. They slaughtered 
all ages and both sexes; and the word of these shocking and un- 
pardonable cruelties spread along the Atlantic Ocean, causing the 
Indians of the Delaware to feel bitter towards all newcomers. 
In the spring of 1644, a Swedish woman and her husband, an 
Englishman, were killed not far from the site of Chester, Penn- 
sylvania, — the first white blood shed in Pennsylvania by the 
Indians. Governor John Printz of the Swedish colony then 
assembled his people for the defense of Chester; but the Indian 
chiefs of that region came to him disowning the act and desiring 
peace. He then made a treaty of peace with them, distributing 
presents and restoring friendly relations. During this year there 
was a great Indian council held, which has been described by Rev. 
John Campanius, over which the Delaware Chief, Mattahorn, 
presided and in which the destruction of the Swedes was con- 
sidered. Mattahorn is said to have presented the question for 
the consideration of the council; but the decision was that the 
Swedes should not be molested. The warriors said that the 
Swedes should be considered "good friends," and that the Indians 
had "no complaint to make of them." 

On June 17th, 1654, a great council of the Delawares was held 
at Printz Hall, at Tinicum, for the purpose of renewing the 
ancient bond of friendship that existed between the Indians and 
the Swedes. At this council the Delaware, (some say Minquas 
or Susquehanna) chief, Naaman, whose name is preserved in 
Naaman's Creek, near the Delaware line, praised the virtues of 
the Swedes. Campanius thus describes the occasion: 

"The 17th June, 1654, was gathered together at Printz Hall at 
Tinicum, ten of the sachemans of the Indian chiefs, and there at 
that time was spoken to them in the behalf of the great Queen of 
Sweedland for to renew the old league of friendship that was be- 
twixt them, and that the Sweeds had bought and purchased land 
of them. They complained that the Sweeds they should have 
brought in with them much evil, because so many of them since 


are dead and expired. Then there was given unto them consider- 
able presents and parted amongst them. When they had received 
the presents they went out, and had a conference amongst them a 
pretty while, and came in again, and then spoke one of the chiefs, 
by name Noaman [Naaman], rebuked the rest, and that they had 
spoken evil of the Sweeds and done them harm, and that they 
should do so no more, for they were good people. Look, said he, 
pointing upon the presents, what they have brought us, and they 
desire our friendship, and then he stroked himself three times 
down his arm, which was an especial token of friendship. After- 
wards he thanked for the presents they had received, which he did 
in all their behalfs, and said that there should hereafter be ob- 
served and kept a more strict friendship amongst them than there 
hath been hitherto. That, as they had been in Governor Printz 
his time, one body and one heart, (beating and knocking upon 
his breast), they should henceforward be as one head. For a token 
waving with both his hands, and made as if he would tye a 
strong knot; and then he made this comparison, that as the calli- 
bash is of growth round without any crack, also they from hence- 
forth hereafter as one body without any separation, and if they 
heard or understood that any one would do them or any of theirs 
any harm, we should give them timely notice thereof, and like- 
wise if they heard any mischief plotting against the Christians, 
they would give them notice thereof, if it was at midnight. And 
then answer was made unto them, that that would be a true and 
lasting friendship, if everyone would consent to it. Then the 
great guns were fired, which pleased them exceedingly well, say- 
ing, 'Pu-hu-hu! mo ki-rick pickon.' That is, 'Hear! now believe! 
The great guns are fired.' And then they were treated with wine 
and brandy. Then stood up another of the Indians and spoke, 
and admonished all in general that they should keep the league 
and friendship with the Christians that was made, and in no man- 
ner or way violate the same, and do them no manner of injury, 
not to their hogs or their cattle, and if any one should be found 
guilty thereof, they should be severely punished, others to an 
example. They advised that we should settle some Sweeds upon 
Passaiunck, where then there lived a power of Indians for to ob- 
serve if they did any mischief, they should be confirmed, the 
copies of the agreements were then punctually read unto them. 
But the originals were at Stockholm, and when their names (were 
read) that had signed, they seemed when they heard it rejoiced, 
but when anyone's name was read that was dead, they hung their 


heads down and seemed to be sorrowful. And then there was 
set upon the floor in the great hall two great kettles, and a great 
many other vessels with sappan, that is, mush, made of Indian 
corn or Indian wheat, as groweth there in abundance. But the 
sachemans they sate by themselves, but the common sort of 
Indians they fed heartily, and were satisfied. The above men- 
tioned treaty and friendship that then was made betwixt the 
Sweeds and the Indians, hath been ever since kept and observed, 
and that the Sweeds have not been by them molested." 

As stated earlier in this chapter. New Sweden was overthrown 
by the Dutch in 1655. However, the Swedes were permitted to 
remain on their lands. The Indian's love for the Swede never 
abated, and when William Penn came to his Province in 1682, he 
used Swedes as his interpreters in getting in touch with the 
Indians. Indeed, the just and kindly treatment of the Dela- 
wares by the Swedish settlers caused that friendly reception 
which these children of the forest William Penn, when, with open 
heart and open hand, they welcomed him to the shores of the 
Western World. 

Dr. William M. Reynolds, in the introduction to his transla- 
tion of Acrelius' "History of New Sweden," emphasizes a great 
historical truth when he says: 

"The Swedes inaugurated the policy of William Penn, for 
which he has been deservedly praised, in his purchase of the soil 
from the Indians, and his uniformly friendly intercourse with 

A Contrast 

The Indian policy of the Swedes on the Delaware stands out 
in strong contrast with the Indian policy of many other colonies, 
especially with the Indian policy of early New England. At this 
point, let us raise the curtain and take a view of what was happen- 
ing on the shores of New England while the sublime things we 
have just related were happening on the shores of the Delaware, 
on Pennsylvania soil. The "Pilgrim Fathers" came to New Eng- 
land in 1620. They were kindly welcomed and kindly treated by 
the Indians. Not long after the landing at Plymouth, the Indian, 
Samoset, entered the town, exclaiming, "Welcome, Englishmen!" 
He was a member of the Wampanoag tribe, and, in the name of 
his nation, invited the Pilgrims to possess the soil. In a few days, 
he returned with another of his tribe, Squanto by name, who 


became a benefactor of the infant colony, teaching the white 
men many things about fishing and raising corn. 

Soon the aborigines of New England were given the white 
man's rum, the curse of the Red man. Soon troubles came on 
apace between the Indian and the New Englander, caused, in 
large measure, by the New Englander's trickery and failure to 
recognize in the Indian a title to the land of himself and his 
fathers. Soon we see the Puritan antagonizing the Indian and 
deliberately planning his utter extinction. Soon we see Captain 
Miles Standish disturbing and despoiling the resting places of 
the Indian dead, to the horror and rage of the Indians. Soon we 
see Standish stabbing the Indian, Pecksuot, to death and Stand- 
ish's men killing many of Pecksuot's companions, which caused 
the Rev. John Robinson, father of the Plymouth church, to ex- 
claim: "It would have been happy if they had converted some 
before they killed any." 

Time passes, and we see the Puritan hunting the Indian through 
the forests and swamps of New England like a wild beast. We 
see the Puritan trafficking in Indian women and children, and 
selling them into slavery. Many were shipped to the slave 
markets of the West Indies. At one time, as many as fifty 
Indian women and children were captured for the purpose of 
selling them as slaves. 

The intolerance of the Puritan found a natural vent in the ex- 
tinction of the Indian. The Puritan lauded his treacheries and 
inhumanities towards the unsophisticated children of the forest. 
Puritan malignity reached a climax in the offering of a reward for 
Indian scalps, irrespective of sex or age. And then, there rise up 
in history the grim and grisly features of those Puritan clergymen 
who gloried in the extinction of the Indian, especially the Mathers. 
The New Englanders shot and burned to death six hundred men, 
women and children of the Pequot tribe in one day. Concerning 
this horrible affair, the "learned and pious Rev. Cotton Mather" 
wrote: "Many of them were broiled unto death in the avenging 
flames;" while Increase Mather wrote exultingly concerning the 
same slaughter of women and children: "It was supposed that 
no less than 500 or 600 Pequot souls were brought down to hell 
that day." Thus did these "great New England divines and 
theologians" glory in the slaughter of the Indians, irrespective of 
age or sex. Thus were these clergymen "inspired to prayers of 
thankfulness and praise." (For the Puritan's Indian policy, see 


Sylvester's "Indian Wars of New England," Vol. 1, pages 97 to 
99, 156 to 162, 169 and 170, 293 and 313.) 

Many school books contain pictures of the Puritans going to 
church with guns on their shoulders to defend themselves from 
the Indians. These pictures tell only a half truth, which is often 
as misleading as a downright falsehood. There should be ex- 
planatory notes at the bottom of tl^e pictures telling why it was 
necessary for the Puritans to carry guns as they went to worship 
the Prince of Peace. 

New England historians and New England poets have thrown 
a glamour around the early history of New England which the 
facts do not justify. The Puritan, by his barbarous treatment of 
the Indian, has left a stain on the early history of New England 
which no New England historian and no New England poet, 
however friendly or however gifted, can ever efface. 

In addition to its just Indian policy, New Sweden had many 
other excellencies that stand out in strong contrast with the early 
history of New England. With her, liberty of conscience was a 
historical fact, and not a mockery or a myth, as with the "Pilgrim 
Fathers" of New England. She laid down the principles of liberty 
of conscience and education of the people, as the foundation of 
her political structure, before William Penn was born; and she 
steadfastly adhered to these principles to the end of her separate 
and independent existence, giving them an impetus that con- 
tributed very largely to their adoption as the most cherished and 
sacred principles in the structure of our American Common- 
wealth. No man had his ears cut off, no man had his tongue 
bored through, no man was hanged for not adhering to the 
Lutheran Church of New Sweden — all this in striking contrast 
with the way the "Pilgrim Fathers" of New England persecuted 
those who did not accept the Puritan type of religion. The 
Lutheran Swedes who landed on the shores of the Delaware and 
made the first settlements in Pennsylvania, had far more to do 
with molding American history than had the "Pilgrim Fathers" 
of New England. "America," says Woodrow Wilson, "did not 
come out of New England." Well for us that America did not 
take on the stamp of the bigotry and intolerance of the "Pilgrim 
Fathers" of New England, but took on the stamp of liberty of 
conscience of the Lutheran Swedes of Pennsylvania. 

The history of the beginnings in Pennsylvania is as much more 
glorious than the history of the beginnings in New England as the 
light of the sun is more glorious than the light of a candle. The 


Swedes on the Delaware deserve monuments of marble and bronze, 
medals of silver and gold; but their best monument is the best 
love of the best American hearts, and the truest impression of 
their image is in the improved condition of mankind, which came 
about as the fruits of the immortal principles to which they 

The Coming of William Penn 

After the conquest of New Sweden, in the autumn of 1655, the 
Dutch continued their rule on the Delaware until the autumn of 
1664, when English rule began on this stream. Charles II 
granted to his brother James, Duke of York, the territory em- 
bracing the states of New York and New Jersey, and, by a later 
grant, the state of Delaware. The Dutch colony on the Dela- 
ware yielded to the Duke of York without bloodshed. On March 
4th, 1681, Charles II afhxed his signature to William Penn's 
charter for the Province of Pennsylvania. As the great founder 
of the Province was on his way to the shores of this Western 
World to treat the Red Man with justice and to establish an 
asylum for the persecuted of every sect and every creed, the 
following letter was written by the "great New England divine 
and theologian, " Cotton Mather: 

"September ye 15, 1682. 

To ye aged and beloved Mr. Jolui Higginson: 

There is now at sea a ship called the Welcome, which has on 
board an hundred or more of the heretics and malignants called 
Quakers, W. Penn, who is the chief scamp, at the head of them. 

The general court has accordingly given secret orders to 
Master Malachi Huscott of the brig Porpoise to waylay the said 
Welcome slyly, as near the Cape of Cod as may be, and make 
captive the said Penn and his ungodly crew, so that the Lord may 
be glorified and not mocked on the soil of this new country with 
the heathen worship of these people. Much spoil can be made 
by selling the whole lot to Barbados, where slaves fetch good 
prices in rum and sugar, and we shall not only do the Lord great 
service by punishing the wicked but we shall make great good 
for his Minister and people. 

Master Huscott feels hopeful and I will set down the news 
when the ship comes back. 

Yours in ye bowels of Christ, 



The Indian Policy of William Penn 

William Penn did not set foot upon the soil of his Province 
until the 29th day of October, 1682 ; but, after maturing his plans 
for the new colony during the summer of 1681, he appointed his 
cousin, William Markham, to be his deputy governor. Markham 
left England in the spring of 1682, and arrived at New York about 
the middle of June of that year. He then proceeded to Upland, 
or Chester, Pennsylvania, and, no doubt, presented his creden- 
tials to the justices and announced to them and the settlers that 
once more a change of government had been decreed. 

William Penn decided to follow the advice of the Bishop of 
London and the example of the Swedes, and purchase from the 
Indians inhabiting his Province whatever lands, within the 
bounds of the same, might from time to time, become occupied 
by his colonists. The first Indian deed of record was a purchase 
of lands in Bucks County, made by Deputy Governor Markham 
for William Penn, dated the 15th day of July, 1682. The native 
grantors were fourteen Delaware chiefs or "sachemakers," bear- 
ing the following names: Idauahon, leanottowe, Idquoquequon, 
Sahoppe for himself and Okonikon, Merkekowon, Orecton for 
Nannacussey, Shaurwawghon, Swanpisse, Nahoosey, Tomak- 
hickon, Westkekitt and Tohawsis. 

Markham paid the Indians for this purchase: 350 fathoms of 
wampum, 20 fathoms of "stroudwaters," 20 white blankets, 20 
guns, 20 coats, 40 shirts, 40 pairs of stockings, 40 hose, 40 axes, 2 
barrels of powder, 60 fathoms of "dufihelds," 20 kettles, 200 bars 
of lead, 200 knives, 200 small glasses, 12 pairs of shoes, 40 copper 
boxes, 40 tobacco tongs, 2 small barrels of pipes; 40 pairs of scis- 
sors, 40 combs, 20 pounds of red lead, 100 awls, two handfuls of 
fish hooks, two handfuls of needles, 40 pounds of shot, 10 bundles 
of beads, 10 small saws, 12 drawing knives, 2 ankers of tobacco, 
2 ankers of rum, 2 ankers of cider, 2 ankers of beer, and 300 
guilders in money, — a formidable list, indeed, and all very accept- 
able to the Indians. 

William Penn Purchases Land from Tamanend 

On June 23rd, 1683, William Penn, at a meeting with Taman- 
end and a number of other Delaware chiefs at Shakamaxon, with- 
in the limits of Philadelphia, purchased two dififerent tracts of 
land from the Indians. The first deed was from Tamanend, who 


made "his mark" to the same, being a snake coiled. This deed 
conveyed all of Tamanend's lands "lying betwixt the Pem- 
mapecka [Pennypack] and Nessaminehs [Neshaminy] Creeks, 
and all along Nessaminehs Creek." The consideration was "so 
many guns, shoes, stockings, looking glasses, blankets, and other 
goods as the said William Penn shall please to give." 

On the same date, (June 23, 1683), William Penn purchased a 
second tract of land from Tamanend, the deed being signed by 
Tamanend and Metamequan. It conveyed all the grantors' lands 
"lying betwixt and about Pemmapecka and Nessaminehs Creeks, 
and all along Nessaminehs Creek." The consideration was "so 
much wampum and other goods as he, the said William Penn, 
shall be pleased to give unto us." However, there is a receipt 
attached to this deed for the following articles : 5 pairs of stock- 
ings, 20 bars of lead, 10 tobacco boxes, 6 coats, 2 guns, 8 shirts, 2 
kettles, 12 awls, 5 hats, 25 pounds of powder, 1 peck of pipes, 38 
yards of "duffields," 16 knives, 100 needles, 10 glasses, 5 caps, 15 
combs, 5 hoes, 9 gimlets, 20 fish hooks, 10 tobacco tongs, 10 pairs 
of scissors, 7 half-gills, 6 axes, 2 blankets, 4 handfuls of bells, 4 
yards of "stroudswaters" and 20 handfuls of wampum. 

Also, on the 5th day of July 1697, "King Taminy [Taman- 
end], and Weheeland, my Brother and Weheequeckhon alias 
Andrew, who is to be king after my death, Yaqueekhon alias 
Nicholas, and Quenameckquid alias Charles, my Sons," granted 
to William Penn, who was then in England, all the lands "between 
the Creek called Pemmapeck [Pennypack] and the Creek called 
Neshaminy, in the said province extending in length from the 
River Delaware so far as a horse can travel in two summer dayes, 
and to carry its breadth according as the several courses of the said 
two Creeks will admit, and when the said Creeks do so branch 
that the main branches or bodies thereof cannot be discovered, 
then the Tract of Land hereby granted, shall stretch forth upon 
a direct course on each side and so carry on the full breadth to 
the extent of the length thereof." For copies of Tamanend's 
deeds of June 23d, 1683 and July 5th, 1697, see Penna. Archives 
First Series, Vol. I, pages 62, 64 and 124. 

It is to be noted that in the list of articles which Penn gave in 
exchange for the various tracts of land purchased from Tamanend 
and his associate chiefs, no brandy or other strong liquor appeared 
It will be recalled that in Markham's purchase in Bucks County 
on the 15th of July, 1682, he gave the contracting sachems, rum, 
cider and beer as part of the purchase price. Penn, however. 


was more scrupulous than his deputy governor, doubtless having 
realized more strongly than Markham, the injury done the 
Indians by liquor. Indeed, in the "Great Law" which Penn drew 
up shortly after his arrival, there was a provision for punishing 
any person by fine of five pounds who should "presume to sell or 
exchange any rum or brandy or any strong liquors at any time 
to any Indian, within this province." Later the Indians found 
their appetite for strong liquor to be so strong that they agreed, 
if the colonists would sell them liquor, to submit to punishment 
by the civil magistrates "the same as white persons." 

Penn's Treaty with Tamanend 

Penn's memorable treaty with Tamanend and other Delaware 
chiefs, of the Turtle Clan, under the great elm at Shakamaxon, 
within the limits of Philadelphia, is full of romantic interest. 
Unarmed, clad in his sombre Quaker garb, he addressed the 
Indians assembled there, uttering the following words, which 
will be admired throughout the ages: "We meet on the broad 
pathway of good faith and good-will ; no advantage shall be taken 
on either side, but all shall be openness and love. We are the 
same as if one man's body was to be divided into two parts; we 
are of one flesh and one blood." The reply of Tamanend, is 
equally noble: "We will live in love with William Penn and his 
children as long as the creeks and rivers run, and while the sun, 
moon, and stars endure." 

No authentic record has been preserved of the "Great Treaty," 
made familiar by Benjamin West's painting and Voltaire's allu- 
sion to it "as the only treaty never sworn to and never broken;" 
and there has been a lack of agreement among historians as to 
the time when it took place. Many authorities claim that the 
time was in the November days, shortly after Penn arrived in his 
Province. "Under the shelter of the forest," says Bancroft, "now 
leafless by the frosts of autumn, Penn proclaimed to the men of 
the Algonquin race, from both banks of the Delaware, from the 
borders of the Schuylkill, and, it may have been, even from the 
Susquehanna, the same simple message of peace and love which 
George Fox had professed before Cromwell, and Mary Fisher had 
borne to the Grand Turk." 

Other authorities, in recent times, fix the time of the treaty 
as on the 23rd day of June, 1683, when Penn, as has been seen, 
purchased the two tracts of land from Tamanend and his associ- 


ates; in other words, that the purchase of land and the "Great 
Treaty" took place at the same time and at the same place. More- 
over, a study of West's painting of the treaty scene shows the 
trees to be in full foliage, thus not suggesting a late autumn or 
winter day, as contended by Bancroft, but rather a day in the 
leafy month of June, Even if we should not grant the purchase 
of the two tracts of land from Tamanend and others on the 23rd 
of June, 1683, the distinction of being the "Great Treaty," it 
was most certainly a treaty of great importance and entitled to a 
prominent place in the Indian history of Pennsylvania and the 

Says Jenkins, in his "Pennsylvania, Colonial and Federal": 
"In the years following 1683, far down into the next century, the 
Indians preserved the tradition of an agreement of peace made 
with Penn, and it was many times recalled in the meetings held 
with him and his successors. Some of these allusions are very 
definite. In 1715, for example, an important delegation of the 
Lenape chiefs came to Philadelphia to visit the Governor. Sas- 
soonan — afterward called Allummapees, and for many years the 
principal chief of his people — was at the head, and Opessah, a 
Shawnee chief, accompanied him. There was 'great ceremony,' 
says the Council record, over the 'opening of the calumet.' Rattles 
were shaken, and songs were chanted. Then Sassoonan spoke, 
offering the calumet to Governor Gookin, who in his speech spoke 
of 'that firm Peace that was settled between William Penn, the 
founder and chief governor of this country, at his first coming into 
it,' to which Sassoonan replied that they had come 'to renew the 
former bond of friendship; that William Penn had at his first 
coming made a clear and open road all the way to the Indians, 
and they desired the same might be kept open and that all ob- 
structions might be removed,' etc. In 1720, Governor Keith, 
writing to the Iroquois chiefs of New York, said : 'When Govern- 
or Penn first settled this country he made it his first care to culti- 
vate a strict alliance and friendship with all the Indians, and con- 
descended so far as to purchase his lands from them.' And in 
March, 1722, the Colonial Authorities, sending a message to the 
Senecas, said: 'William Penn made a firm peace and league with 
the Indians in these parts near forty years ago, which league has 
often been repeated and never broken.' " In fact, the "Great 
Treaty" was never broken until the Penn's Creek Massacre of 
October 16, 1755. 

Unhappily, then, historians are not able to agree in stating the 


exact date of the "Great Treaty" under the historic elm on the 
banks of the Delaware, — a treaty that occupies a high and glorious 
place in the Indian history and traditions of Pennsylvania and the 
Nation. Though the historian labors in vain to establish the 
date, the fact of the treaty remains as inspiring to us of the 
present day as it was to the historians, painters, and poets of the 

On August 16th, 1683, William Penn wrote a long letter to the 
Free Society of Traders, in which he describes a council that he 
had with the Indians, — possibly the "Great Treaty": 

"I have had occasion to be in council with them (the Indians) 
upon treaties for land, and to adjust the terms of trade. Their 
order is thus: The King sits in the middle of an half moon, and 
hath his council, the old and wise, on each hand; behind them or 
at a little distance, sit the younger fry in the same figure . . . 
When the purchase was agreed, great promises passed between us 
of kindness and good neighborhood, and that the Indians and 
English must live in love as long as the sun and moon give light; 
which done, another made a speech to the Indians in the name of 
all the Sachamakers or Kings, first to tell them what was done; 
next to charge and command them to love the Christians, and 
particularly live in peace with me, and the people under my 
Government; that many Governors had been on the River, but 
that no Governor had come himself to live and stay here before; 
and having now such an one that treated them well, they should 
never do him or his any wrong. At every sentence of which they 
shouted and said Amen in their way." 

The "Great Treaty" was preserved by the head chiefs of the 
Turtle Clan of Delawares for generations. Chief Killbuck is said 
to have lost the historic document when, on March 24th, 1782, 
he fled to Fort Pitt to escape death at the hands of the Scotch- 
Irish settlers who attacked him and other friendly Delawares on 
Smoky Island, also called Killbuck's Island, in the Ohio River, 
near the fort. 


The great Delaware chief, Tamanend, (Tammany, etc.) from 
whom William Penn and his agents purchased lands and with 
whom Penn made the "Great Treaty," was head chief of the 
Unami or Turtle Clan of Delawares from before 1683 until 1697 
and, perhaps, later. He is referred to in the Colonial Records of 
Pennsylvania as "King" of the Delawares, owing to the fact that 


the head chief of the Turtle Clan always presided at the councils 
of the three clans composing the Delaware nation. Heckewelder 
thus describes Tamanend : 

"The name of Tamanend is held in the highest veneration by 
all the Indians. Of all the chiefs and great men which the Lenape 
nation ever had, he stands foremost on the list. But, although 
many fabulous stories are circulated about him among the whites, 
but little of his real history is known. The misfortunes which 
have befallen some of the most beloved and esteemed personages 
among the Indians since the Europeans came among them, pre- 
vent the survivors from indulging in the pleasure of recalling to 
mind the memory of their virtues. No white man who regards 
their feeling, will introduce such subjects in conversation with 
them. All we know, therefore, of Tamanend is that he was an 
ancient Delaware chief who never had an equal. He was, in the 
highest degree, endowed with wisdom, virtue, prudence, charity, 
affability, meekness, hospitality; in short with every good and 
noble qualification that a human being may possess. He was 
supposed to have had intercourse with the great and good Spirit; 
for he was a stranger to everything that is bad. The fame of 
this great man extended even among the whites, who fabricated 
numerous legends concerning him, which I never heard, however, 
from the mouth of an Indian, and, therefore, believe to be 
fabulous. In the Revolutionary War, his enthusiastic admirers 
dubbed him a saint and he was established under the name of 
Saint Tammany, the Patron Saint of America. His name was 
inserted in some calendars and his festival celebrated on the first 
day of May in every year." 

Heckewelder then describes the celebrations in honor of Saint 
Tammany. They were conducted along Indian lines, and in- 
cluded the smoking of the calumet and Indian dances in the open 
air. "Tammany Societies" in the early part of our history as a 
nation, were organized in several American cities. 

Tamanend 's last appearance in recorded history was when he, 
his brother and sons, conveyed the lands to William Penn on July 
5th, 1697. But three years prior thereto, or on July 6th, 1694, he 
appeared at a council at Philadelphia, a number of other Delaware 
chiefs accompanying the venerable sachem. At this council, he 
thus expressed his friendly feelings for the colonists, in a speech 
addressed to Lieutenant-Governor Markham: "We and the 
Christians of this river [Delaware] have always had a free road- 
way to one another, and although sometimes a tree has fallen 


across the road, yet we have still removed it again, and kept the 
path clean ; and we design to continue the old friendship that has 
been between us and you." 

Tamanend died before July, 1701, but the date of his death is 
not known. All that is mortal of this great and good chieftain 
reposes in the soil of the beautiful valley of the Neshamminy, — 
the region which he and his associate chiefs conveyed to "Mi- 
quon," or "Brother Onas," as the Indians affectionately called 
William Penn. His grave is believed to be in "Tammany Burial 
Ground," near Chalfonte, Bucks County. 

Penn's Two Sojourns in his Province 

William Penn remained in his Province until June 12th, 1684, 
on which date he sailed for England. Before leaving, he provided 
for the administration of the government of the Province, lodging 
the executive power with the Provincial Council. During the 
spring or summer of 1683, he had visited the interior of the Pro- 
vince, going as far as the Susquehanna and holding many friendly 
conferences with the Indians of the interior. 

William Penn returned to Pennsylvania in December, 1699, 
after an absence of fifteen years ; and he remained in his Province 
until the autumn of 1701, when he left finally, arriving in England 
about the middle of December of that year. During his second 
sojourn in Pennsylvania, he made his home in his commodious 
Manor House, at Pennsbury, in Falls Township, Bucks County, 
about twenty miles from Philadelphia. The erection of the man- 
sion had been started during his absence and was completed by 
him after his return. Here he received many visits from different 
Indian chiefs, a room in the mansion having been set apart for 
Indian conferences. 

During Penn's second sojourn in his Province, he endeavored 
to obtain additional legislation placing restrictions on the inter- 
course with the Indians, in order to protect them from the arts of 
the whites and the ravages of the rum trafific. He also endeavored 
to have the natives instructed in the doctrines of Christianity. In 
order to improve the temporal condition of the natives, he held 
frequent conferences at his manor house with various sachems; 
and frequently visited them in their forest homes, participating in 
their festivals. When they visited him at Pennsbury, it is said 
that he joined with them in their sports and games, ate hominy, 
venison, and roasted acorns with them, and matched them in 


strength and agility. It is recorded that nineteen Indian treaties 
were concluded and conferences held at Pennsbury. 

Penn's Treaty with the Susquehannas, Shawnees, Conoys 
and Five Nations 

After the close of King William's war, the governor of New 
York made a treaty of peace with the Five Nations; and at 
William Penn's suggestion it was extended to the other English 
colonies. On April 23rd, 1701, Penn entered into "Articles of 
Agreement," or a treaty at Philadelphia, with the Susquehannas, 
Minquas, or Conestogas, the Shawnees, the Ganawese, Conoys, or 
Piscataways, the latter then dwelling on the northern bank of the 
Potomac, and the Five Nations. In this treaty the Susquehannas 
were represented by Connodaghtoh, their "King," and three chiefs 
of the same; the Shawnees were represented by Opessah, or 
Wopaththa, their "King," and two other chiefs; the Conoys, 
Ganawese, or Piscataways, were represented by four of their 
chiefs; and the Five Nations were represented by Ahoakassongh, 
"brother to the emperor or great king of the Onondagas." 

We are now ready to state the provisions of the treaty. After 
first reciting the good understanding that had prevailed between 
William Penn and his lieutenants, on the one hand, and the vari- 
ous Indian nations inhabiting his Province, on the other hand, 
since his first arrival in Pennsylvania, and expressing that there 
should be forever a hrm and lasting peace between Penn and his 
successors and the various Indian chiefs of his Province, the treaty 
provided as follows: 

First. That the said "kings and chiefs" and the various In- 
dians under their authority should, at no time, hurt, injure or de- 
fraud any inhabitants of the Colony of Penn ; and that Penn and 
his successors should not sufifer any injury to be done the Indians 
by any of his colonists. 

Second. That the Indians should, at all times, behave them- 
selves in a sober manner according to the laws of the Colony where 
they lived near or among the Christian Inhabitants thereof; and 
that they should have the full and free privileges and immunities 
of the laws of the Colony of Penn in the same manner as the 
whites, and acknowledge the authority of the crown of England 
in the Province. 

Third. That none of the Indians should, at any time, aid. 


assist or abet any other nation, whether of Indians or others, that 
would at any time not be in amity with the king of England. 

Fourth. That, if at any time, the Indians should hear from 
evil-minded persons or sowers of sedition any unkind reports of 
the English, representing that the English had evil designs against 
the Indians, in such case the Indians should send notice thereof to 
Penn or his successors, and not give credence to such reports until 
fully satisfied concerning the truth of the same. Penn agreed that 
he and his successors should at all times act in the same manner 
toward the Indians. 

Fifth. That the Indians should not suffer any strange nations 
of Indians to settle on the farther side of the Susquehanna or 
about the Potomac, except those that were already seated there, 
nor bring any other Indians into any part of the Province without 
the permission of Penn or his successors. 

Sixth. Penn, for the purpose of correcting abuses that were 
too frequently connected with the fur trade with the Indians, 
agreed on the part of himself and his successors, that no one should 
be permitted to trade with the Indians without first securing a 
license under the Governor's hand and seal; and the Indians 
agreed, on their part, not to permit any person whatsoever to buy 
or sell, or have any trade with them, without first having a license 
so to do. 

Seventh. The Indians agreed not to sell or dispose of any of 
their skins or furs to any person whatsoever outside of the Pro- 
vince; and Penn bound himself and his successors to furnish the 
Indians with all kinds of necessary goods for their use, at reason- 
able rates. 

Eighth. The Conoys, Ganawese, or Piscataways, should have 
leave of Penn and his successors to settle on any part of the Poto- 
mac River within the bounds of Penn's Province. (At this time, 
the vexed question as to the boundary line between Pennsylvania 
and Maryland was unsettled.) 

Ninth. The Susquehannas, or Conestogas, as a part of these 
articles of agreement, absolutely ratified and confirmed the sale of 
lands lying near and about the Susquehanna, formerly conveyed 
to William Penn, by deed of Governor Dongan of New York, and 
later confirmed by the deed of the Conestogas, dated the 13th day 
of September, in the year 1700. The Susquehannas also agreed 
to be, at all times, ready further to confirm and make good the 
said sale, according to the tenor of the same, and that they would 
be answerable to Penn and his successors for the good behavior 


of the Conoys or Ganawese, and for their performing of their 
several agreements which were a part of this treaty. 

Tenth. In the last item of the agreement, Penn promised, for 
himself and his successors, that they would, at all times, show 
themselves true friends and brothers to all of the Indians by assist- 
ing them with the best of their "advices, directions and counsel," 
and would, in all things just and reasonable, befriend them; and 
the chiefs promised, for themselves and their successors, to behave 
themselves according to the tenor of the agreement, and to submit 
to the laws of the Province in the same manner as "the English 
and other Christians therein do." The agreement was then con- 
cluded by the exchange of skins and furs, on the part of the In- 
dians, and goods and merchandise, on the part of Penn. 

At about the time of making this historic treaty of peace with 
the Indians on the Susquehanna, William Penn had journied into 
the interior of his Province, and conferred with the Conestogas at 
Conestoga, their principal town, in Lancaster County, the Cones- 
togas being responsible for the good behavior of the Shawnees in 
their vicinity, as was pointed out in Chapter II. Penn wrote to 
James Logan, in June, 1701, of his visit to the Conestoga region, 
as follows : "We were entertained right nobly at the Indian King's 
palace at Conestoga." At that time, Penn intended the founding 
of a "great city" in the Conestoga region, on the Susquehanna. 

At the time of this treaty, most of the Conoy were living on 
the north bank of the Potomac, though some had already entered 
Pennsylvania as early as 1698 or 1699, as stated in Chapter II. 
Some years after the treaty, or in the summer of 1705, the Dela- 
ware chief, Manangy, living on the Schuylkill, interviewed Gov- 
ernor John Evans, at Philadelphia, explaining that the Conoy, 
"settled in this Province near the head of the Potomac, being now 
reduced by sickness to a small number, and desirous to quit their 
present habitation where they settled about five years ago with 
the Proprietor's consent, the Conestoga Indians then becoming 
guarantees of a treaty of friendship, made between them, and 
showing a belt of wampum they had sent to the Schuylkill Indians 
to engage their friendship and consent that they might settle 
amongst them near Tulpehocken, request of the Governor that 
they may be permitted to settle in the said place." The Governor 
then permitted the Conoy to settle in the valley of the Tulpe- 
hocken, Manangy and his band on the Schuylkill guaranteeing 
their good behavior. 


The historic Treaty or Articles of Agreement of April 23d, 1701 
should have a high and glorious place in the history of Penn- 
sylvania. The articles are recorded in Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 2, 
pages 15 to 18; also in Pa. Archives, Vol. 1, pages 144 to 147. The 
treaty was carefully preserved by the Shawnees for many 
decades. On November 12th, 1764, when Colonel Henry Bouquet 
was holding conferences with Nimwha, Red Hawk, Cornstalk 
and other Shawnee chiefs, on the Muskingum, relative to the 
part this tribe had taken in Pontiac's War, Red Hawk produced 
this historic document and three messages or letters from the 
Governor of Pennsylvania of different dates, and said: 

"Now, Brother, I beg we, who are warriors, may forget our 
disputes, and renew the friendship which appears by these papers 
to have subsisted between our fathers." 

Indians Bid Farewell to William Penn 

Shortly before embarking for England, in the autumn of 1701, 
William Penn assembled a large company of the Delawares at his 
manor house at Pennsbury to review and confirm the covenants 
of peace and good will, which he had formerly made with them. 
The meeting was held in the great hall of the manor house. The 
sachems assured him that they had never broken a covenant 
"made with their hearts and not with their heads." After the 
business of the conference had been transacted, Penn made them 
many presents of coats and other articles, and then the Indians 
retired into the courtyard of the mansion to complete their 

By some authorities it is said that Queen Allaquippa, of the 
Senecas, with her husband and infant visited William Penn at 
New Castle, Delaware, shortly before he sailed for England the 
last time. These authorities say that Queen Allaquippa's infant 
was Canachquasy, the great peace apostle among the Delawares 
during the early days of the French and Indian War. In this 
connection, we point out that, in the minutes of a meeting of the 
Provincial Council, August 22nd, 1755, (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, 
pages 588 and 589), Canachquasy is referred to as "the son of 
old Allaguipas, whose mother was now alive and living near 
Ray's Town"; also that George Croghan wrote from Aughwick, 
December 23d, 1754, (Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, page 218), that, 
"Alequeapy, ye old quine, is dead and Left several children." It 
seems quite likely, therefore, that Canachquasy was the son of 


the Iroquois chief, Allaguipas, whose name was similar in sound 
to that of Queen Allaquippa. 

Likewise, Oretyagh, with a number of the sachems of the 
Conestogas and Shawnees, came to Philadelphia shortly before 
Penn's final departure for England, to take leave of their beloved 
"Brother Onas." At this conference, which was held on October 
7th, 1701, Penn informed the chiefs that it was likely the last inter- 
view that he would ever have with them ; that he had ever loved 
and been kind to them and ever would continue so to be, not 
through political designs or for a selfish interest, but out of real 
affection. He desired them, in his absence to cultivate friendship 
with those whom he would leave in authority, so that the bond of 
friendship already formed might grow the stronger throughout 
the passing years. He also informed them that the Assembly 
was at that time enacting a law, according to their desire, to pre- 
vent their being abused by the selling of rum among them, with 
which Oretyagh, in the name of the rest, expressed great satis- 
faction, and desired that the law might speedily and efifectually 
be put into execution. Oretyagh said that his people had long 
suffered from the ravages of the rum traffic, and that he now 
hoped for redress, believing that they would have no reason for 
complaint of this matter in the future. 

Penn early saw the degradation which the Indians' unquench- 
able thirst for strong drink wrought among them, and he did all 
in his power to remedy this matter. He said that it made his 
heart sick to note the deterioration of character and the degrada- 
tion which the strong liquor and vices of the white man wrought 
among the Indians during his short stay in the Province. 

Finally, at this leavetaking, Penn requested the Indians that, 
if any of his colonists should ever transgress the law and agree- 
ment, which he and his governor had entered into with them, they 
should at once inform the government of his Province, so that 
the offenders might be prosecuted. This they promised to observe 
faithfully, and that, if any rum were brought among them, they 
would not buy it, but send the person who brought it back with it 
again. Then, informing the chiefs that he had charged the mem- 
bers of his Council that they should, in all respects, be kind and 
just to the Indians in every manner as he had been, and making 
them presents, he bade them adieu never to meet them again. 

Well would it have been for the Colony of Pennsylvania, if 
Penn's successors had always emulated his example, and the 
example of the Swedes, in dealing with the Indians — if his sue- 


cessors had been imbued with his kindly spirit, and had treated 
the natives with justice. He died on the 30th of July, 1718, at 
Ruscombe, near Tywford, in Buckinghamshire, England, at the 
age of seventy-four; and when his great heart was cold and still 
in death, the Red Man of the Pennsylvania forests lost his truest 
friend. During Penn's life there were no serious troubles between 
his colony and the Indian, and no actual warfare, as we shall see, 
for some years thereafter; but, less than a generation after this 
great apostle of the rights of man was gathered to his fathers, the 
Delawares, who had welcomed him so kindly, and the Shawnees, 
rose in revolt, after a long series of wrongs, and spread terror, 
devastation, and death throughout the Pennsylvania settlements. 
Says Dr. George P. Donehoo: "The memory of William Penn 
lingered in the wigwams of the Susquehanna and the Ohio until 
the last red man of this generation had passed away; and then the 
tradition of him was handed down to the generations which fol- 
lowed until today, when it still lingers, like a peaceful benediction, 
among the Delaware and Shawnee on the sweeping plains of 


Principal Indian Events From 
1701 to 1754 

As stated in the preceding chapter, WilHam Penn left his 
^/~\Province in the autumn of 1701 never to return. For many 
years after his departure, there was much uneasiness among the 
Indians of the lower Susquehanna due to the following facts: 
(1) The Iroquois regarded the Shawnees as enemies because of 
the latter's alliance with the Susquehannas or Conestogas. (2) 
The Iroquois made the villages of the Conoys on the lower Sus- 
quehanna their stopping places while going to and returning from 
the Carolinas in their war against the Catawbas and Cherokees. 
(3) The boundary dispute between Pennsylvania and Maryland 
caused friction between the white traders of the Cones toga region, 
and led to open hostility of the people of Maryland to the Sus- 
quehannas, Shawnees, Conoys and other Indians of this region. 

At a meeting of the Provincial Council, held on May 9, 1704 
and reported in Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 2, page 138, 
Edward Farmer reported to Governor John Evans that "Carolina 
Indians" (most likely Catawbas), to the number of forty, had 
recently made a raid into the Conestoga region in revenge for the 
capture of one of their number by the Iroquois the year before. 
Farmer, who had received his information from Nicole Godin, a 
trader at Conestoga, further advised the Governor that the 
"Carolina Indians" declared that for many years they had been 
attacked by Indians from the northward, "whom they had always 
hitherto taken to be those of Canada, but now found who they 
were, viz: ye Senecas & those Potomock & Conestogoe, & that 
they were Resolved to be Revenged, & to that end three nations 
had Joyned & would shortly come up & either destroy or be 
destroyed by them." Two weeks later Peter Bezallion, a French 
trader in the Conestoga region, reported to the Provincial Council 
that he had heard that the Five Nations were coming into the 
Province to carry off the Shawnees settled near Conestoga and 


those settled at the mouth of the Lehigh, "they being colonies of 
a nation that were their enemies." 

Council with Conestogas, Shawnees, and Conoys 

On the sixth and seventh of June, 1706, a council was held at 
Philadelphia between Governor John Evans and "the chiefs of 
the Conestogas, Shawnees, and Ganawese, or Conoys," con- 
cerning public affairs relating to these tribes. Indian Harry, of the 
Conestogas, was the interpreter. In the minutes of the council, 
the Colonial Records do not specifically state that Opessah was 
present, but, being the head of the Shawnees at Pequea, there is 
no doubt that he attended the council. This council opened with 
Secretary James Logan's account of his journey to the Conestogas 
and Conoy during the preceding October and the treaty which was 
then held with the Conoy at their town (Connejaghera, Cone- 
joholo, Dekanoagah) near the site of Washington Borough, 
Lancaster County, by the terms of which treaty, the Conoy were 
assured that they would be safe in Penn's Province. The Conoy 
explained to James Logan, at the time of his visit, that they had 
had much trouble with the Virginians, and, considering it not safe 
to dwell in their old abode on the Potomac, had come within the 
bounds of Pennsylvania, where they hoped to dwell in peace. 

At the meeting at Conestoga, in October, 1705, Secretary Logan 
reminded the assembled chiefs that "Governor W. Penn, since 
first he came into this Countrey, with all those under him, had 
always inviolably maintain'd a perfect Friendship with all the 
natives of this Countrey, that he found Possess'd of it at his first 
arrival" and that "when he was last in the Countrey he visited 
those of that place Conestoga, and his son upon his arrival did 
the same, in order to cultivate the ancient friendship:" and 
complaint was also made that John Hans Steelman was building 
a trading house at Conestoga, much to the annoyance of Penn- 
sylvania, as Steelman was represented to be a Marylander, and 
had no license to trade with the Indians of Penn's Province. The 
chiefs informed Logan that they did not encourage Steelman's 

During this council at Philadelphia, Andaggy-Junguagh, chief 
of the Conestogas, laid before Governor Evans a very large belt 
of wampum, which he said was a pledge of peace formerly 
delivered by the Onondagas to the Nanticokes when the Ononda- 
gas had subjugated this tribe. He explained that the Nanticokes, 


being lately under some apprehension of danger from the Five 
Nations, some of them had, in the spring of 1706, come to the 
region of the Conestogas, and had brought this belt with them, as 
well as another belt, which, the chief explained, he left at his 
village in Lancaster County. He further advised the Governor 
that the Five Nations, of whom the Onondagas, as has been seen, 
were a member, were presently expected to send deputies to 
receive the tribute of the Nanticokes; that he had brought this 
belt to Philadelphia in order that the Colonial Authorities might 
be able to show it to any of the Five Nations, who might come 
to Philadelphia, as evidence to them that peace had been made. 
The Provincial Council, after considering the matter, concluded 
to keep the belt according to the proposal of the Conestogas; and 
the Conestogas promised to retain the other belt at their chief 
town, to be shown to the Five Nations if any of their deputies 
should come to Conestoga. 

The remaining time of the council was taken up by explaining 
to the chiefs of these three nations the laws which had been re- 
cently enacted regulating the intercourse between the Province 
and these Indians. Evans explained to the chiefs that a law had 
recently been enacted providing that no person should trade with 
them but such as should first have a license from the Governor 
under his hand and seal. The chiefs requested the Governor that 
only two traders be licensed, but Evans explained that the fewer 
the number of traders the more likely it would be that the Indians 
would be imposed upon. They then desired of the Governor 
that he would not permit the traders to go beyond their towns and 
meet the Indians returning from hunting, explaining that it had 
been the traders' custom to meet the Indians returning from their 
hunt, when they were loaded with furs and peltries, make them 
drunk, and get all of the fruits of their hunt before they returned 
to their wives and families. The Governor agreed to this proposal 
and told the chiefs that their people should have no dealings with 
the traders, except at their own villages, and that he would in- 
struct the traders not to go any farther into the Susquehanna 
region than the principal Indian towns, and to do no trading 
whatever, except in those places. Liberal presents were then 
given the chiefs, and the council adjourned. 

The minutes of this important council are found in the Penn- 
sylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 2, pages 244 to 248. 

At a meeting of the Provincial Council on the 31st of August, 
1706, it was decided that Governor Evans should visit Conestoga 


and the region round about it, for the purpose of further strength- 
ening the bond of friendship between the Indians and the Colony. 
The Governor accordingly journeyed to this region early in Sep- 
tember, where he was well received by the Conestogas, Shawnees 
and Conoys; but his visit was the cause of much scandal on ac- 
count of his actions while there. 

Governor Evans' Journey to the Susquehanna Region 

The French, as early as 1707, had their emissaries among the 
Conestogas under the guise of traders, miners or colonists in an 
effort to draw them away from their allegiance to the English. 
Likewise, the colony of Maryland was pushing her pioneers over 
the boundary, in an effort to forestall the claims of William Penn 
by actual settlement. 

In the month of June, 1707, Governor Evans, accompanied by 
Colonel John French, William Tonge, and several other Friends, 
and four servants, made a journey among the Susquehanna In- 
dians, upon receiving a message from the Conestogas that the 
Nanticokes, who now had been tributaries of the Five Nations for 
twenty-seven years, intended journeying to the Onondagas in 
New York. He visited the following places : Pequea, Dekanoagah 
Conestoga, and Paxtang, near Harrisburg. 

At Pequea, the Governor and his party were received by the 
Shawnees with a discharge of firearms, and a conference was held, 
on June 30th, with Opessah, in which the chief told the Governor 
that he and his people were "happy to live in a country at peace, 
and not as in those parts where we formerly lived, for then, upon 
returning from hunting, we found our town surprised, and our 
women and children taken prisoners by our enemies." While the 
Governor was at Pequea, several Shawnees from the South came 
to settle there, and were permitted to do so by Opessah, with the 
Governor's consent. 

At Dekanoagah, the Governor was present at a meeting of the 
Shawnees, Conoys, and Nanticokes from seven of the surrounding 
towns. After having satisfied himself that the Nanticokes were 
a well meaning people, the Governor guaranteed them the pro- 
tection of the Colony of Pennsylvania. 

The Governor, having received information at Pequea that a 
Frenchman, named Nicole, was holding forth among the Indians 
at Paxtang, about whom he had received many complaints, and 
having advised the chief at Paxtang of his intention to seize this 


French trader, captured Nicole, after much difficulty, and, having 
mounted him on a horse with his legs tied, conveyed him through 
Tulpehocken and Manatawney, to Philadelphia, and lodged him 
in jail. 

The report of Governor Evans' trip is recorded in the Penn- 
sylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 2, pages 386 to 390. 

Troubles Between the Northern and the Southern Indians 
Continue — Great Conferences at Conestoga 

As was pointed out in Chapter II, the Tuscaroras began their 
migration from the Carolinas and Virginia to the territory of the 
Five Nations in New York, in 1712 or 1713, and were formally 
admitted, in 1722, as a constituent part of the Iroquois Con- 
federation. While the Tuscaroras were still living in their 
southern home, they were bitter enemies of the Catawbas, and 
their hatred did not abate upon their removing to New York. 
Almost every summer after 1713, roving bands of the Tuscaroras 
and other members of the Five Nations, followed the mountain 
valleys through Pennsylvania to the South, on their way to attack 
the Catawbas and Cherokees; and many Conestogas joined these 
war parties. Some destruction was done by these bands within 
the Province of Pennsylvania, but presently the Colonial Au- 
thorities adopted the method of having the farmers, whose crops . 
were injured, place their bill in the hands of the nearest justice of 
the peace, who would, in turn, forward it to the Provincial Coun- 
cil; and, at the next conference with the Indians, the Council 
would deduct the amount of the bill from the present given to the 
Indians at that conference. This method made Pennsylvania 
practically free from ravages wrought by these bands. The colony 
of Virginia, however, did not fare so well, and both lives and 
property were destroyed by these bands of warriors from the 

These war parties of the Iroquois frequently made Conestoga 
their stopping place on their way to and return from the territory 
of the Catawbas and Cherokees, and many a captive Catawba 
and Cherokee was tortured to death at Conestoga. Finally a 
treaty of peace was made between the Conestogas and Catawbas, 
on August 31st, 1715, but this did not put a stop to the expeditions 
of the Iroquois against the Southern Indians. 

In June, 1717, Governor William Keith received a message 
from the Conestoga chief, Civility, and several other chiefs of the 


Conestoga region, desiring him to visit them without delay to 
consult about affairs of great importance. The Governor, ac- 
cordingly, journeyed to Conestoga, in July, where he met the 
chiefs of the Conestogas, Delawares, Shawnees, and Conoys, and 
inquired of them the cause of their alarm. He ascertained that 
about two months previously a young Delaware, son of a chief, 
had been killed on one of the branches of the Potomac by a party 
of Virginians accompanied by some Indians. These latter were 
no doubt Catawbas, who, at that time, were at peace with 
Virginia. At this meeting at Conestoga, Governor Keith brought 
to the attention of the Indians that many complaints had been 
made by the inhabitants of Virginia concerning the destruction 
caused by the war parties of the Iroquois against the Catawbas; 
and he reminded them of the fact that, although divided into 
different colonies, the English were one people; that to injure or 
make war upon one body of them was to make war upon all, and 
that the Indians, therefore, must never molest or trouble any of 
the English colonists, nor make war upon any Indians who were 
in friendship with, or under the protection of, the English. 

At this conference, Keith stressed the fact that recently a band 
of Senecas had attacked some Catawbas near Fort Christian, 
in the colony of Virginia, killing six and capturing a woman; and 
he called upon the Indians of the Conestoga region to explain 
their connection with this insult to Virginia. The Shawnee chief 
told the Governor that six young men of this tribe had accom- 
panied the party of Senecas who made the attack upon the Cataw- 
bas, but explained that none of the six were present at the time 
and place of this conference, "their settlements being much higher 
up the Susquehanna River." The chief further stated that the 
six Shawnees declared, upon their return, that they had nothing 
to do with the attack upon the Catawbas. 

Governor Keith closed the conference with the following stipu- 
lations, quoted from the minutes of the conference: 

"1st. That he expected their strict observance of all former 
contracts of friendship made between them and the Govern- 
ment of Pennsylvania. 

"2dly. That they must never molest or disturb any of the 
English Governments, nor make war upon any Indians whatso- 
ever who are in friendship with and under the protection of the 

"3dly. That, in all cases of suspicion or danger, they must 


advise and consult with this Government before they undertook 
or determined any thing. 

"4thly. That, if through accident any mischief of any sort 
should happen to be done by the Indians to the English, or by the 
English to them, then both parties should meet with hearty in- 
tention of good will to obtain an acknowledgment of the mistake, 
as well as to give or receive reasonable satisfaction. 

"5thly. That, upon these terms and conditions, the Governor 
did, in the name of their great and good friend, William Penn, 
take them and their people under the same protection, and in the 
same friendship with this Government, as William Penn himself 
had formerly done, or could do now if he was here present. 

"And the Governor hereupon did promise, on his part, to 
encourage them in peace, and to nourish and support them like a 
true friend and brother. 

"To all which the several chiefs and their great men presently 
assented, it being agreed, that, in testimony thereof, they should 
rise up and take the Governor by the hand, which accordingly 
they did with all possible marks of friendship in their countenance 
and behaviour." 

The chiefs taking part in these councils at Conestoga, in July, 
1717, represented the Conestogas or Susquehannas, the Dela- 
wares, the Shawnees and the Conoys. Peter Bezallion was the 
interpreter. For a detailed account of the conferences, the reader 
is referred to the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 3, pages 
19 to 25. 

In 1719, great difficulties arose concerning the hunting grounds 
of the Northern and the Southern Indians. The Iroquois sent 
out many war parties, which stopped at Conestoga on their way 
south, and were joined by many of the Conestogas. These raids 
into the Shenandoah Valley brought many white settlers of 
Virginia and the Carolinas into hostility to the Iroquois; for these 
colonies were then on friendly terms with the Catawbas and 
Cherokees, against whom the raids were directed. In fact, a 
general uprising of the settlers of Virginia and the Carolinas was 
imminent. The Iroquois conducted their warfare on the Southern 
Indians with great brutality, torturing many captives to death 
at Conestoga and villages on the Susquehanna. 

On receiving a letter from Civility and other chiefs at Cones- 
toga advising that some of their Indians had been killed by the 
Southern Indians, Governor Keith sent Colonel John French to 
Conestoga, where a council was held on June 28th, 1719, with 


Civility and Queen Canatowa of the Conestogas, "Wightomina, 
King of the Delawares, Sevana, King of the Shawnees," who suc- 
ceeded Opessah at Pequea, and "Winninchack, King of the Cana- 
wages" [Conoys]. In the name of Governor Keith, Colonel 
French made the following demands of Civility and the other 
chiefs: That they should not receive the war parties of the 
Tuscaroras, or any other tribes of the Five Nations, if coming to 
their towns on their way to or return from the South; and that 
they would have to answer to the Colonial Authorities, if any 
prisoner were tortured by them. It appeared, however, that the 
warriors of the Five Nations, on their way southward, practically 
forced the young men of the Conestogas, Shawnees, and Conoy to 
accompany them. As the conquerors of these tribes, the Iroquois 
demanded their allegiance and help. The chiefs promised faith- 
fully to obey the commands of Governor Keith, but the war went 

James Logan, Secretary of the Provincial Council, on June 27, 
1720, held a conference at Conestoga with Civility and chiefs of 
the Shawnees, Delawares, and Conoy, in an attempt to dissuade 
these Indians from making raids into Virginia. Not long before, 
ten Iroquois and two Shawnees had been killed by the Southern 
Indians about one hundred and sixty miles from Conestoga. At 
this conference, Logan learned that the Pequea Shawnees could 
not be restrained from assisting the Iroquois, inasmuch as since 
the departure of Opessah, no one could control them. True, the 
Conestogas were answerable for the behavior of these Shawnees, 
but Civility advised Logan that he "had only the name without 
any authority, and could do nothing." Moreover, it was difficult 
for Logan to impress upon the minds of these Indians the fact 
that the English of Virginia and Maryland were not at war with 
the English of Pennsylvania. They could not see why the Indians 
in friendship with Pennsylvania should not go to war against the 
Virginians, just as the Iroquois went to war against the Indians 
of Virginia and the Carolinas. 

At the close of the conference. Civility told Logan privately 
that the Five Nations, especially the Cayugas, were much dis- 
satisfied because of the large settlements the English were making 
on the Susquehanna, and that the Iroquois claimed a property 
right in those lands. As to the Iroquois' claim to a property right 
in the Susquehanna lands, Logan told Civility that the Indians 
well knew that the Iroquois had long before conveyed those lands 
to the Governor of New York, and that William Penn had pru- 


chased this right, as will be pointed out later in this chapter. 
Civility acknowledged this fact. 

Realizing the awful consequences of a general war between the 
Iroquois and their allies, on the one side, and the Southern In- 
dians on the other, involving the settlers of the South, Governor 
Keith, in the spring of 1721, visited Governor Spotswood of 
Virginia with whom he framed an agreement, by the terms of 
which the tributary Indians of Virginia would not, in the future, 
pass the Potomac nor "the high ridge of mountains extending 
along the back of Virginia; provided that the Indians to the north- 
ward of the Potomac and to the westward of those mountains" 
would observe the same limits. 

Governor Keith, accompanied by seventy armed horsemen, 
visited Conestoga on July 5th, 1721, where he conferred, at 
Civility's lodge, not only with the Conestogas but also with four 
deputies of the Five Nations, who had recently arrived there, 
telling the spokesman of the Five Nations, Ghesoant, that, 
"whereas the English from a very small beginning had now be- 
come a great people in the Western World, far exceeding the num- 
ber of all the Indians, which increase was the fruit of peace 
among themselves, the Indians continued to make war upon one 
another and were destroying one another, as if it was their pur- 
pose that none of them should be left alive." He called attention 
to the suffering that their wars caused to the women and children 
at home, and, in various ways, tried to mollify their warlike 
passions, but stated that, if they were determined to continue 
warfare, they must, in journeying to and from the South, take 
another path lying farther to the west, and not pass through the 
settled parts of the Province. The result of the conference was 
the ratifying by the Conestogas and Five Nations of the agree- 
ment arranged by Governor Keith and Governor Spotswood as 
to the limits of the hunting grounds of the Virginia and the Penn- 
sylvania Indians. Keith closed the conference by giving Ghesoant 
a gold coronation medal of George, the First, which he asked him 
to take as a token of friendship to the greatest chief of the Five 
Nations, Kannygoodk. Thus, happily, the immediate danger of 
a general Indian uprising was averted. 

This was the most important Indian treaty ever held at Con- 
estoga. Its details are recorded in the Pennsylvania Colonial 
Records, Vol, 3, pages 121 to 130. Later, troubles came on apace 
between the Iroquois and the Southern Indians, but the Iroquois 
abandoned the Susquehanna route to the South, taking the 


Warrior's Path, which crossed the Potomac at Old Town (Opes- 
sah's Town), and, still later, when white settlers occupied the 
valley along Warrior Ridge, a trail farther westward, crossing 
the counties of Westmoreland and Fayette. 

Sassoonan's Deed of Release 

In the autumn of 1718, Sassoonan and several other chiefs of 
the Delawares came to Philadelphia, claiming that they had not 
been paid for their lands. Then, James Logan, secretary of the 
Provincial Council, produced to them, in the presence of the 
Council, a number of deeds, and convinced Sassoonan and his 
brother chiefs that they were mistaken in their contention. Ac- 
cordingly, Sassoonan and six other chiefs executed a release on 
the 17th day of September, 1718, by the terms of which they 
acknowledged that their ancestors had conveyed to William 
Penn, in fee, all the land and had been paid for the same. By the 
same instrument these Indians released all the land "between the 
Delaware and the Susquehanna from Duck Creek [in Delaware] 
to the mountains [the South Mountain] on this side of Lechay 
[by the Lehigh River]." 

At the time of executing this deed of release, Sassoonan was 
living at Paxtang, and adjacent parts; but it is probable that 
shortly thereafter he took up his abode at Shamokin (Sunbury), 
which became his home for the remainder of his life. 

Tawena and Springettsbury Manor 

Tawena, a chief of the Conestogas, claims our remembrance on 
account of his connection with the survey of Springettsbury 
Manor, in June, 1722. At that time, the boundary line between 
Pennsylvania and Maryland was still in dispute, and Maryland 
settlers were encroaching on territory claimed by Pennsylvania. 
In order to secure a right and title to the lands, in Pennsylvania 
upon which these settlers had encroached, Governor William 
Keith, before he went to attend the Albany treaty, or conference, 
of September, 1722, conceived the. idea of obtaining permission 
of the Indians along the lower Susquehanna to lay off a large 
manor, and accordingly went to Conestoga, where, on June 15th 
and 16th of that year, he held a conference with the Conestoga, 
Shawnee and Conoy chiefs, telling them of the encroachments of 
the Marylanders in what is now York County, and suggesting 


the plan to take up a large tract of land on the west side of the 
Susquehanna for Springett Penn, grandson of the founder of th*> 
Province. Keith spoke at great length and with great earnestness. 
He told the Indians that the grandson had the same kind of heart 
as his grandfather had, and that he would be glad to give the 
Indians a part of the land for their use and occupation. He 
further said that the land should be marked with Springett Penn's 
name upon the trees, so that the Maryland people would then 
keep off, and that such marking would prevent all white persons 
from settling near enough the Indians to disturb them. 

Owing to the love of these Indians for William Penn, Governor 
Keith won his point. They replied through Tawena, agreeing to 
give up the land, but requesting that the Governor take up the 
matter further with the Cayugas when he would attend the 
Albany conference. However, they requested that the land be 
surveyed at once. The warrant was made out, and John French, 
Francis Worley and James Mitchell surveyed the tract on June 
20th and 21st. It was named Springettsbury Manor, and con- 
tained 75,520 acres, according to the survey. The boundary 
line began opposite the mouth of Conestoga Creek, and ran south- 
west ten miles, thence northwest twelve miles to a point north of 
the present city of York, thence northeast to the Susquehanna 
River, thence along this stream to the place of beginning. The 
Marylanders paid no attention to the survey. The Manor was 
surveyed again, in 1768. 

The warrant and survey were not returned to the land office, 
and the entire transaction appears to have been done under the 
private seal of Governor Keith. Nor was any actual purchase 
made from the Indians, at the conference of June 15th and 16th, 
1722. Springett Penn held whatever title he had in trust for the 

The Threatened Uprising of 1728 

On May 6, 1728, Governor Gordon advised the Provincial 
Council that he had recently received a letter from John Wright, 
a trader, at Conestoga, stating that two Conestogas had been 
murdered by several of the Shawnees in that neighborhood, and 
that the Conestogas seemed to be preparing to declare war on the 
Shawnees, in retaliation. The Governor also advised the Council, 
at this time, that he had received a petition signed by a great 
number of the settlers in the back parts of Lancaster County, 
setting forth that they were under great apprehension of being 


attacked by the Indians, and that many families had left their 
homes through fear of an Indian uprising. Wright further in- 
formed the Governor, in his letter, that the Shawnees had brought 
the Shawnee murders as far as Peter Chartier's house, at which 
place the party engaged in much drinking, and, through the 
connivance of Chartier, the two Shawnee murderers escaped. It 
is not surprising that Chartier let the murderers escape, as he him- 
self was a half blood Shawnee. He was at that time trading at 
Pequea Creek. His action so incensed the Conestogas that they 
threatened to destroy all the Shawnees in that region. 

Almost at the same time that the murder of the Conestogas 
occurred, the settlers along the valley of the Schuylkill became 
much alarmed for their safety from another quarter. Kako- 
watcheky, who was the head of the Shawnees living at Pecho- 
quealin, in what is now lower Smithfield Township, Monroe 
County, claimed that he had learned that the Flatheads, or 
Catawbas, from North Carolina, had entered Pennsylvania with 
the intention of striking the Indians along the Susquehanna; and 
he, accordingly, led eleven warriors to ascertain the truth of this 
rumor, who, when they came into the neighborhood of the Dur- 
ham Iron Works, near Manatawny, in the northern part of Berks 
County, their provisions failed, and they forced the settlers to 
give them food and drink. The settlers did not know these 
Indians, and believing the chief of the band to be a Spanish 
Indian, they were in great terror; families fled from their planta- 
tions and women and children suffered greatly from exposure, 
as the weather was raw and cold. There seems to be little doubt 
that Kakowatcheky was leading this band to Paxtang to assist 
the Shawnees of that place, who had been threatened by the 
Conestogas on account of the above mentioned murder of the 
two Conestogas. 

A band of about twenty settlers took up arms and approached 
the invaders, sending two of their number to treat with the chief, 
who, instead of receiving them civilly, brandished his sword, and 
commanded his men to fire, which they did, and wounded two of 
the settlers. The settlers thereupon returned the fire, upon which 
the chief fell, but afterwards got up and ran into the woods, leav- 
ing his gun behind him. The identity of this Indian band was not 
known until May 20th, when two traders from Pechoquealin, 
John Smith and Nicholas Schonhoven, came to Governor Gordon 
and delivered to him a message from Kakowatcheky, explaining 
the unfortunate affair, sending his regrets, and asking the Gover- 


nor for the return of the gun which he dropped when wounded. 
The Governor, then, accompanied by many citizens of Phila- 
delphia,went to the troubled district, and personally pleaded with 
those settlers who had left their plantations to return. He found 
them so excited that they seemed ready to kill Indians of both 
sexes, but finally succeeded in pacifying them. 

The Governor was about ready to return home when he 
received the melancholy news from Samuel Nut that an Indian 
man and two women were cruelly murdered, on May 20th, at 
Cucussea, then in Chester County, by John and Walter Winters, 
without any provocation whatever, and two Indian girls badly 
wounded ; upon which a hue was immediately issued in an effort 
to apprehend the murderers. It appeared from investigation 
that, on the day of this murder, an Indian man, two women, and 
two girls, appeared at John Roberts' house, and that their neigh- 
bors noticing this, rallied to their defense, shot the man and one 
of the women, beat out the brains of the other woman, and 
wounded the girls, their excuse being that the Indian had put an 
arrow into his bow, and that they, having heard reports that some 
settlers had been killed by Indians, believed that the settlers 
might lawfully kill any Indian they could find. 

The murderers were apprehended and placed in jail at Chester, 
for trial. A message was then sent to Sassoonan, Opekasset, and 
Manawkyhickon, acquainting them with the unhappy affair and 
requesting them to come to Conestoga, where a treaty would be 
held with Chief Civility and the other Indians at that place. The 
Provincial Council being apprehensive that this barbarous mur- 
der would stir up the Indians to take revenge on the settlers, a 
commission was appointed to get the inhabitants together and 
put them in a state to defend themselves. This commission con- 
sisted of John Pawling, Marcus Hulings, and Mordecai Lincoln, 
the great-great-grandfather of Abraham Lincoln, whose home 
was about ten miles east of the present town of Reading. Hav- 
ing sent Kakowatcheky the gun he had dropped, as well as the 
tomahawks dropped by his eleven warriors when they fled from 
the band of twenty settlers, as related above, together with a 
request that he warn the Indians under his authority to be more 
careful in the future, the Governor, accompanied by thirty resi- 
dents of Philadelphia, met the Indians at a council at Conestoga 
on the 26th of May, where he conferred with Civility and other 
Conestoga, Shawnee, Conoy, and Delaware chiefs, made them 
many presents, and promised to punish the two murderers, if 


found guilty. John and Walter Winters were subsequently tried, 
found guilty, and hanged for the murder of the Indian man and 
two women. 

At this point, the author desires to say that, in no work on 
Abraham Lincoln or his ancestry, has he been able to find a 
reference to the fact that the Great Emancipator's ancestor, 
Mordecai Lincoln, was a man of such ability and prominence as 
to be appointed by the Governor and Provincial Council of 
Pennsylvania as one of the three members of the important com- 
mission whose duty it was to place the Province in a state of 
defense during the threatened Indian uprising in 1728, For the 
account of Mordecai Lincoln's appointment, the reader is referred 
to the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 3, page 304. 

Sassoonan and the Tulpehocken Lands 

At a meeting of the Provincial Council, held on June 5th, 1728 
and reported in the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 3, 
pages 318 to 321, the great Delaware chief, Sassoonan, or Al- 
lummapees, then residing at Shamokin (Sunbury), complained 
that the Palatines (immigrants from Germany) were settling on 
lands in the valley of the Tulpehocken, in Berks and Lebanon 
Counties, which, he claimed, had not been purchased from the 
Indians. These particular Palatines had first settled in the 
Schoharie Valley in New York, where they endured much suf- 
fering. When Governor Keith attended the Albany Conference, 
the hardships of these Germans were brought to his attention; 
whereupon his interest and sympathy were aroused, and he 
offered them a home in Pennsylvania. The next year (1723) 
some of these Palatines emigrated from New York to the Tulpe- 
hocken Valley, but a much greater number, about fifty families, 
came in 1727. They descended the Susquehanna to the mouth of 
Swatara Creek, in Dauphin County. Ascending this stream and 
crossing the divide between the Susquehanna and the Schuylkill, 
they entered the fertile and charming valley of the Tulpehocken. 
They had scarcely erected their rude cabins and commenced to 
plant their little patches of corn in the clearings in the wilderness, 
when the Indians of the neighborhood informed them that this 
land had never been purchased by the Pennsylvania Govern- 
ment. The Indians were much surprised that these settlers 
should be permitted to take up their abode on unpurchased land. 


"Surely," said they, "if Brother Onas were living, such things 
would never happen." 

At this conference, Sassoonan said that he could not have be- 
lieved that these lands were settled upon, if he had not gone there 
and seen the settlements with his own eyes. In the minutes of the 
conference, we read: "He (Sassoonan) said he was grown old 
and was troubled to see the Christians settle on lands that the 
Indians had never been paid for; they had settled on his lands for 
which he had never received anything. That he is now an old 
man, and must soon die; that his children may wonder to see all 
their father's lands gone from them without his receiving any- 
thing for them; that the Christians now make their settlements 
very near them (the Indians); and they shall have no place of 
their own left to live on ; that this may occasion a difference be- 
tween their children and us, and he would willingly prevent any 
misunderstanding that may happen." 

Governor Gordon suggested to Sassoonan that possibly the 
lands in dispute had been included in some of the other purchases; 
but Sassoonan and his brother chiefs replied that no lands had 
ever been sold northwest of the Blue Ridge, then called the 
Lehigh Hills. This conference did not succeed in settling the 
matter of these settlements in the Tulpehocken Valley. The 
matter dragged along until 1732, when Sassoonan, Elalapis, 
Ohopamen, Pesqueetamen, Mayemoe, Partridge, and Tepakoas- 
set, on behalf of themselves and all other Indians having a right 
in the lands, in consideration of 20 brass kettles, 20 fine guns, 50 
tomahawks, 60 pairs of scissors, 24 looking glasses, 20 gallons of 
rum, and various other articles so acceptable to the Indians, con- 
veyed unto John Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, pro- 
prietors of the Province, all those lands "situate, lying and being 
on the River Schuylkill and the branches thereof, between the 
mountains called Lechaig (Lehigh) to the south, and the hills or 
mountains, called Keekachtanemin, on the north, and between 
the branches of the Delaware River on the east, and the waters 
falling into the Susquehanna River on the west," — a grant which 
embraced the valley of the Tulpehocken. (Pa. Archives, Vol. 1, 
pages 344 to 346.) 

Sassoonan was head chief of the Turtle Clan of Delawares from 
a date prior to June 14th, 1715 until his death in the autumn of 
1747. By some very high authorities, it is claimed that he was a 
son of Tamanend and, as a little boy, was with his father at the 
"Great Treaty" at Shackamaxon. These authorities make 


Sassoonan identical with "Weheequeckhon, alias Andrew," who 
as stated in Chapter II, joined with his father, Tamanend, his 
two brothers, and his uncle, in conveying to William Penn, on 
the fifth day of July, 1697, certain lands between the Pennypack 
and Neshaminy Creeks, and whom Tamanend describes in the 
deed, as, "my son who is to be king after my death." 

At a meeting of the Provincial Council, held in August, 1731, 
and reported in the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 3, pages 
404 to 406, the frequent complaints made by the Indians on ac- 
count of the large quantities of rum being carried to them by the 
traders, were taken up. The Council's attention was called to the 
fact that the pernicious liquor traffic had recently caused a very 
unhappy incident in the family of Sassoonan. In a fit of drunken- 
ness, he had killed his nephew, (some authorities say his cousin) 
Shackatawlin, at their dwelling place at Shamokin, now Sunbury. 
Sassoonan's grief over the unhappy incident was so great that it 
almost cost him his life. It was at this meeting of the Provincial 
Council that the great Shikellamy, who accompanied Sassoonan, 
issued an ultimatum to the Colonial Authorities that, if the 
liquor traffic among the Indians were not better regulated, friend- 
ly relations between Pennsylvania and the powerful Confedera- 
tion of the Six Nations would cease. 

At Shamokin, on the banks of the beautiful Susquehanna, in 
the autumnal days of 1747, the aged Sassoonan, who had done 
so much to preserve the friendship that William Penn established 
with the Indians, yielded up his soul to the Great Spirit. Great 
changes in the relations between the Delawares and the Colony 
had taken place during the span of his life, and still greater 
changes were destined to come. In life's morning and noontide, 
he beheld the Delawares contented and happy in the bond of affec- 
tion between them and "Onas;" yet, before the night had come, 
his dim eyes saw on the horizon the gathering clouds of the storm 
that, in the autumn of 1755, broke with fury upon the land of 
his birth. 

Efforts to Have the Shawnees Return and 
the Treaty of 1732 

As has been seen in a former chapter, the abuses of the liquor 
traffic among the Shawnees were among the causes which forced a 
large number of this tribe to migrate from the Susquehanna to 
the Ohio and Allegheny valleys several years prior to 1730, when 


French emissaries, coming from Canada, seized upon this op- 
portunity to alienate the Shawnees from the Enghsh interest. 
Therefore, Governor Gordon at a council held at Philadelphia on 
August 16th, 1731, decided to adopt the suggestion of Secretary 
James Logan that a treaty be arranged with the Six Nations "to 
renew and maintain the same good-will and friendship for the 
Five Nations which the Honorable William Penn always expressed 
to them in his lifetime," and to prevail upon the Six Nations to 
assist in holding the Shawnees in their allegiance to the English. 
Accordingly, at this same conference, it was decided to send 
Shikellamy, "a trusty, good man and a great lover of the Eng- 
lish" to Onondaga, the capital of the Six Nations, to invite them 
to send deputies to Philadelphia to arrange a treaty. 

In keeping with Pennsylvania's efforts to retain the friendship 
of the Shawnees on the Allegheny, Governor Gordon sent them a 
message in December, 1731, reminding them of the benefits they 
had received from William Penn and his successors, while they 
lived in the eastern part of the Province, to which message 
Neucheconneh and other Shawnee chiefs on the Allegheny, re- 
plied in their letter to the Governor, of June, 1732, giving the 
reasons why they had removed from the Susquehanna. 

In the autumn of 1731, a tract of land, called the "Manor of 
Conodoguinet" and located on the west side of the Susquehanna 
between Conodoguinet and Yellow Breeches Creeks, was set aside 
for the Shawnees in an effort to induce those of this tribe who had 
gone to the Ohio and Allegheny, to return to the Susquehanna. 
Peter Chartier conveyed this information to the Shawnees on the 
Ohio, but they still refused to return to the eastern part of the 

Shikellamy returned to Philadelphia from his journey to 
Onondaga, on December 10th, 1731, accompanied by a Cayuga 
chief named Cehachquely, and Conrad Weiser and John Scull as 
interpreters. He reported that the Six Nations were very much 
pleased to hear from the Governor of Pennsylvania, but that, as 
winter was now coming on and their chiefs were too old to make 
such a fatiguing journey in the winter time, they would come to 
Philadelphia in the spring to meet the Governor and enter into 
a treaty. 

On his way to meet the Governor at this time, Shikellamy 
stopped at the home of Conrad Weiser, near Womelsdorf, in the 
present county of Berks, took him along to Philadelphia and 
introduced him to Governor Gordon as "an adopted son of the 


Mohawk Nation;" and as this conference (December 10, 1731,) is 
Weiser's first connection with the Indian affairs of Pennsylvania, 
it will be well to pause long enough, at this point, to give a short 
sketch of the history of this noted man of the frontier, who later 
had so much to do with bringing about the ascendency of the 
Anglo-Saxon in the Western World. 

This sturdy German was born at Afsteadt, in Herrenberg, near 
Wurtemberg, Germany, in 1696. At the age of thirteen, he ac- 
companied his father to America, and, for several years, assisted 
him in making tar and raising hemp on Livingston Manor, New 
York. The Weiser family spent the winter of 1713 and 1714 with 
several of the Iroquois at Schenectady, New York, where Conrad 
doubtless secured his first lessons in the Iroquois tongue. In the 
spring of 1714, he accompanied his father to the Schoharie Valley, 
where they endured much hardship in company with the other 
Palatines in that valley. When he was seventeen years old, 
young Weiser went to live with Quagnant, a prominent Iroquois 
chief, who, taking a great fancy to Conrad, requested the father 
that the young man might dwell with him for a time. He re- 
mained with the Iroquois chief for eight months, learning the 
Iroquois language and customs thoroughly, and was adopted by 

In 1729, Conrad Weiser and his young wife went from New 
York to the Tulpehocken Valley, Pennsylvania, where, as has 
been related, a number of Palatines from the Schoharie Valley had 
settled, in 1727. The young couple built their home about one 
mile east of Womelsdorf, Berks County, where Weiser continued 
to reside until a few years before his death, when he removed to 
Reading. It is said that while on a hunting trip he met the great 
Iroquois chief, Shikellamy, the vice-gerent of the Six Nations, 
who was well pleased with Weiser on account of his being able to 
speak the Iroquois tongue, and they became fast friends. 

While visiting his old home near Womelsdorf, he died July 
13, 1760, much lamented by the Colony of Pennsylvania as well as 
by the Indians. Said a great Iroquois chieftain, commenting on 
the death of Weiser: "We are at a loss, and sit in darkness." 

If all white men had been as just to the Indians as was this 
sturdy German, the history of the advance of civilization in 
America undoubtedly would not contain so many bloody chapters. 
Conrad Weiser's home is still standing, and in the orchard above 
the house, rests all that is mortal of this distinguished frontiers- 
man; while beside him are the graves of several Indian chiefs. 


Having loved him in life, they wished to repose beside him in 
death. A beautiful monument has been erected to his memory 
in the "Conrad Weiser Memorial Park," near Womelsdorf, hav- 
ing thereon the words which George Washington uttered concern- 
ing him, while standing at his grave, in 1793: 

"Posterity Will Not Forget His Services."* 

The Six Nations, no doubt mistrusting the motives of the 
English, failed to send deputies to Philadelphia in the spring of 
1732, as they had promised Shikellamy. In the meantime, 
traders in the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny reported that the 
French were rapidly gaining the friendship of the Shawnees in the 
Ohio Valley; that these Indians complained bitterly about the 
great quantities of rum brought to them by the English traders ; 
and that they would have declared war against the English, on 
this account, save for the influence of Peter Chartier. The 
Shawnees said, furthermore, that it had been only five years since 
the Six Nations themselves had endeavored to persuade the Ohio 
Indians to declare war on the English. In view of these facts, 
there was much anxiety on the part of the Provincial Council of 
Pennsylvania, over the failure of the deputies of the Six Nations 
to make their appearance in Philadelphia in the spring of 1732. 

Finally, on August 18th, 1732 the deputies of the Six Nations 
arrived, consisting of a number of Oneida, Cayuga, and Onondaga 
chiefs, among whom was the celebrated Shikellamy. A few days' 
time being given the chiefs in which to refresh themselves after 
their long and toilsome journey, the famous treaty of August 23rd 
to September 2nd, 1732, was entered into between the Six Nations 
and the Colony of Pennsylvania. 

We have stated that Secretary James Logan suggested this 
treaty; but Logan's knowledge of the influence and importance of 
the Six Nations and their power over the Shawnees, Delawares 
and other tributary tribes, was gotten from Conrad Weiser. Not 
until the coming of Weiser did the Colony fully realize the im- 
portance of this powerful confederation. 

The deputies of the Six Nations, who arrived in Philadelphia 
some days before the opening of the conference, as we have seen, 
were chiefs of only the Oneida, Cayuga, and Onondaga tribes; but 
they claimed that they were authorized to speak for the other 
members of the Iroquois Confederation. In the early stages of 
the conference, complaints were made, possibly by members of 
the Assembly, against the private nature of the council; and 
Conrad Weiser, the interpreter, was selected to interview the 

* Weiser was the grandfather of the Lutheran clergyman and noted Revolutionary General, 
Peter Muhlenberg, about whom the poet, Read, wrote "The Rising of 1776." 

ABOVE — Monument to Conrad Weiser, Indian Interpreter of the Colony of Pennsylvania, 
in Conrad Weiser Memorial Park, near Womelsdorf, Berks County, Pa. 

BELOW^Home of Conrad Weiser, in Conrad Weiser Memorial Park, erected about 1732. 
Here the famous clergyman, Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, D. D., founder of the Lutheran 
Church in America, for whom Muhlenberg College, at Allentown, Pa., is named, wooed and won 
Weiser's daughter, Anna. 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 101 

Iroquois deputies to learn their pleasure in the matter. The chiefs 
replied that they were content to continue in secret session, but 
were willing to deal in a more public manner, if such was desired. 
Thomas Penn, son of the founder of the Colony, having lately 
arrived in Philadelphia, spoke for the Province. He called the 
attention of the chiefs to the policy which his father had pursued 
in dealing with the Indians, and assured them that he came to 
the Province with a desire and design to follow in the footsteps 
of his parent. He then asked the Iroquois deputies how their 
Confederation stood toward the French, their former enemies. 
He inquired how the French behaved toward the Six Nations, 
and how all the other nations of Indians to the northward or the 
westward were affected toward the Iroquois. 

The Iroquois deputies replied through their speaker, Heta- 
quantagechty, that they had no great faith in the governor of 
Canada, or the French, who had deceived them. "The Six 
Nations," said they, "are not afraid of the French. They are 
always willing to go and hear what they have to propose. Peace 
had been made with the French. A tree had been planted big 
enough to shelter them both. Under this tree, a hole had been 
dug, and the hatchets had been buried therein. Nevertheless, the 
chiefs of the Six Nations thought that the French charged too 
much for their goods, and, for this reason, they recommended 
their people to trade with the English, who would sell cheaper 
than the French." The deputies confided to the Governor that, 
when representatives of the Six Nations were at Montreal, in 
1727, the governor of Canada told them that he intended to make 
war upon Corlear (the term applied to the governors of New 
York), and that he desired the Six Nations to remain neutral. On 
this occasion, one of the chiefs answered, saying: "Onontejo [the 
Indian name for the governor of Canada], you are very proud. 
You are not wise to make war with Corlear, and to propose 
neutrality to us. Corlear is our brother; he came to us when he 
was very little and a child. We suckled him at our breasts; we 
have nursed him and taken care of him till he is grown up to be a 
man. He is our brother and of the same blood. He and we have 
but one ear to hear with, one eye to see with, and one mouth to 
speak with. We will not forsake him nor see any man make war 
upon him without assisting. We shall join him, and, if we fight 
with you, we may have our own father, Onontejo, to bury in the 
ground. We would not have you force us to this, but be wise and 
live in peace." 


The Iroquois deputies were told, through Conrad Weiser, that 
the Shawnees who were settled to the southward, being made un- 
easy by their neighbors, had come up to Conestoga about thirty- 
five years before, and desired leave of the Conestoga Indians 
located at that place, to settle in the neighborhood; that the 
Conestogas applied to the Government of Pennsylvania that the 
Shawnees might be permitted to settle there, and that they would 
become answerable for their good behavior; that William Penn, 
shortly after the arrival of the Shawnees, agreed to their settle- 
ment, and the Shawnees thereupon came under the protection of 
the Pennsylvania Colony; that, from that time, greater numbers 
of the Shawnee Indians followed, settling upon the Susquehanna 
and the Delaware. The deputies were further told that the 
Colony of Pennsylvania had held several treaties with the Shaw- 
nets, treating them from their first coming as "our own Indians," 
but that some of their young men, four or five years previously, 
being afraid of the Six Nations, had removed to the Allegheny 
Valley, and put themselves under the protection of the French, 
who had received them as children; that the Colony had sent a 
message asking them to return, and to encourage them, had laid 
out a large tract of land on the west side of the Susquehanna near 
Paxtang, and desired, by all means, that they would return to 
that place. 

The Iroquois answered that they never had intended to harm 
the Shawnees, and that, as they were coming on their way to 
Philadelphia, they had spoken with Kakowatcheky, their (the 
Shawnees') old chief, then at Wyoming, and told him that he 
should not "look to Ohio, but turn his face to us." They had met 
Sassoonan, too, the old chief of the Delawares, then at Shamokin, 
and told him that the Delawares, too, should not settle in the 
Ohio and Allegheny valleys, upon which Sassoonan had sent 
messengers to the Delawares lately gone to the Ohio and Alle- 
gheny Valleys, requiring them to return. It will be remembered 
that, in the times of which we are writing, and for a long period 
thereafter, the Allegheny River was considered simply as a con- 
tinuation of the Ohio, and was generally called the Ohio. 

The deputies were then told that, as they were the chiefs of 
all the northern Indians in the Province, and the Shawnees had 
been under their protection, they should oblige them to return 
nearer the Pennsylvania settlements; whereupon the chiefs asked 
if the Six Nations should do this themselves, or join with the 
Authorities of Pennsylvania. They were told that it was the de- 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 103 

sire of the Pennsylvania Colony that the Six Nations should join 
with the Colonial Authorities in efforts to have the Shawnees 

The representatives of the Six Nations told the Governor that 
they believed that they could bring the Shawnees back, if Penn- 
sylvania would prohibit her traders from going to the Allegheny 
Valley, explaining that, as long as the Shawnees were supplied at 
that place with such goods as they needed, they would be more 
unwilling to remove. It was finally agreed that Pennsylvania 
would remove such traders, and that the Six Nations would see 
that the French traders in the Ohio region were also removed. 

The main purpose of this treaty was to secure the aid of the 
Six Nations in efforts to bring the Shawnees from the Allegheny 
Valley; but it contained other provisions, notably the one obligat- 
ing the Six Nations to "forbid all their warriors, who are often too 
unruly, to come amongst or near the English settlements, and 
especially that they never, on any account, rob, hurt, or molest 
any English subjects whatsoever, either to the Southward or else- 

The Iroquois delegation having requested that, in their future 
dealings with Pennsylvania, Conrad Weiser should continue to be 
the interpreter, this request was granted, and the conference came 
to an end by the giving of many presents to the deputies, among 
which were six japanned and gilt guns, which were to be delivered 
one to each chief of the Six Nations. These guns were the gift of 
Thomas Penn, which he had brought with him from England for 
this purpose. 

A full account of the Treaty of 1732, the first treaty to bring 
the powerful Confederation of the Six Nations into definite rela- 
tions with Pennsylvania, is found in the Pennsylvania Colonial 
Records, Vol. 3, pages 435 to 452. The Six Nations were faithful 
to their promise, in this treaty, to induce the Shawnees of the 
Allegheny Valley to take up their abode in the Valley of the Sus- 
quehanna. They used every means short of war, to accomplish 
this result, but in vain. 

One of the efforts of the Six Nations to induce the Shawnees of 
the Ohio and Allegheny valleys to return to the eastern part of 
the Province is recorded in Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 3, pages 607 to 
609. At a meeting of the Provincial Council, September 10th, 
1735, Hetaquantagechty, a Seneca chief, and Shikellamy gave 
the Council a report concerning a mission the Six Nations had 
sent to the Hathawekela or Asswikales Clan of Shawnees, urging 


them to take up their abode near the Susquehanna. Heta- 
quantagechty said that a great chief of the Iroquois, named 
Sagohandechty, who Hved on the Allegheny went with other 
chiefs of the Six Nations in 1 734 to prevail upon the Shawnees to 
return. Sagohandechty pressed the Shawnees so closely to return 
that they took a great dislike to him, and some months after the 
other chiefs had returned, they cruelly murdered him. Heta- 
quantagetchty said that this murder had been committed by 
the Asswikales, who then fled southward, and as he supposed had 
returned "to the place from whence they first came, which is below 
Carolina." Hetaquantagechty described them as "one tribe of 
those Shawnees who had never behaved themselves as they 
ought," The Asswikales were probably the first Shawnees to 
settle in Western Pennsylvania within historic times, coming by 
way of Old Town, Maryland, to Bedford, and then westward. 
Sewickley Creek, in Westmoreland County, Sewickley Town, at 
the mouth of that creek, and another placed called Sewickley Old 
Town, which some authorities locate on the Allegheny River some 
miles below Chartier's Old Town, (Tarentum), were their places 
of residence. 

The Treaty of 1736 

At the instigation of Shikellamy and Conrad Weiser, the 
Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania were very anxious to have 
the treaty of August, 1732, confirmed by deputies representing all 
the members of the Iroquois Confederation, and Conrad Weiser 
was directed to employ his influence with Shikellamy to the end 
that these two mediators between the Colony of Pennsylvania and 
Great Council of the Six Nations might bring about a conference 
that would represent every member of that great Confederation. 
The summers came and went, and still the promised visit of the 
Iroquois was deferred. Finally, at a conference of Delaware and 
Conestoga chiefs, among whom were Sassoonan, representing the 
Delawares, and Civility, representing the Conestogas, held at 
Philadelphia on August 20, 1736, an appeal was made to them to 
explain why the Iroquois did not send deputies to Philadelphia, 
as they had promised. Sassoonan said that he knew nothing 
particularly of the Iroquois; that he had been in expectation to 
see them for three years past, but understood that they had been 
detained by nations that came to treat with them. He further 
stated that he expected that they would be on hand the next 
spring. The Provincial Council made a very liberal present to 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 105 

the Delawares and Conestogas on the occasion of this conference, 
accompanying it with the special request that they make an effort 
to ascertain from the Six Nations why they had not sent their 
deputies as they promised the preceding year, or at least to send 
a message stating the reasons for their delay. 

This present to the Delawares had the desired effect, and in 
less than six weeks thereafter, Conrad Weiser sent word to the 
Provincial Council from his home near Womelsdorf , in the Tulpe- 
hocken Valley, that he had received intelligence that one hundred 
chiefs, representing all members of the Iroquois Confederation, 
had arrived at Shamokin (Sunbury) on their way to Philadelphia. 
On the 27th of September, Weiser arrived at Philadelphia, accom- 
panied by this delegation of one hundred Iroquois. At this time, 
smallpox was raging in Philadelphia, on account of which Weiser 
took the Indians to James Logan's mansion at Stenton, a few miles 
from the city (now in the Twenty-second Ward, Philadelphia), 
and invited the provincial officers and proprietors out to meet 
them. The Indians were greatly pleased with Weiser's care for 
their health, and the esteem in which they held him increased by 
this act of solicitation on his part. The Iroquois had told the 
Colonial Authorities at the treaty of 1732 that Weiser and Shikel- 
lamy were the proper persons "to go between the Six Nations and 
this government." They said that their bodies were to be equally 
divided between "the Sons of Onas and the Red Men, half to the 
Indian and half to the white man." Weiser, said they, was faith- 
ful, honest, good, and true; that he had spoken their words for 
them and not his own. 

The Iroquois delegation, by far the largest that ever appeared 
at Philadelphia at a treaty, was entertained for three nights at 
Stenton. The sessions of the different conferences connected 
with the making of this treaty lasted until the 25th of October. 
They were held in the great meeting house at Fifth and Arch 
Streets. The Iroquois deputies reported that, following the sug- 
gestion of the Provincial Council at the treaty of 1732, they had 
strengthened their confederation by entering into firm leagues of 
friendship and alliance with other nations around them, to-wit: 
Onichkaryagoes, Sissaghees, Troumurtihagas, Attawantenies, 
Twechtwese, and Oachtaumghs. All these tribes, said the depu- 
ties, had promised to acknowledge the Iroquois as their elder 
brother and to act in concert with them. 

The Iroquois deputies made the request that the Pennsylvania 
traders be removed from the Ohio and Allegheny country, but the 


Provincial Council politely refused this request, arguing that its 
Indians there could not live without being supplied with goods, 
and that, if the Pennsylvania traders did not supply them with 
goods others from Maryland and Virginia would. The Iroquois 
also asked that no strong drink be sold at Allegheny by the 
traders. This petition was evaded. James Logan, President of 
the Council, upon which the administration of the government 
devolved since the death of Governor Gordon, on August 5th, 
1736, rebuked the Indians for not controlling their appetite for 
rum. "All of us here," said he, "and all you see of any credit in 
this place, can every day have as much rum of their own to drink as 
they please, and yet scarce one of us will take a dram, at least 
not one man will, on any account, be drunk, no, not if he were 
hired to it with great sums of money." 

But the most important part of this treaty was the execution 
and delivery of two deeds by the Iroquois to the Proprietaries of 
the Province of Pennsylvania — a momentous transaction brought 
about by that astute Iroquois statesman, Shikellamy, assisted by 
Conrad Weiser. 

The first was a deed to all the lands on both sides of the Sus- 
quehanna, extending as far east as the heads of the streams run- 
ning into the Susquehanna, as far west "as the setting of the sun" 
(afterwards interpreted by the Indians to mean as far as the crest 
of the Allegheny Mountains), as far south as the mouth of the 
Susquehanna, and as far north as the Blue, Kittatinny, or Endless 

The following is the interesting history of these Susquehanna 
lands : 

By deed dated September 10th, 1683, the Conestoga or Sus- 
quehanna chief, Kekelappan, conveyed to William Penn "that 
half of all my lands betwixt the Susquehanna and Delaware, 
which lieth on the Susquehanna side." Then, on October 18th, 
1683, the Conestoga chief, Machaloha, who claimed to exercise 
authority over the Indians "on the Delaware River, Chesapeake 
Bay and up to ye falls of ye Susquehanna River," conveyed to 
Penn his right in his lands. Penn thought it advisable to get the 
consent of the Five Nations to his possession of these lands, no 
doubt knowing that the Five Nations had conquered the Sus- 
quehannas. Accordingly he sent agents to confer with the Iro- 
quois chiefs in New York, and also wrote acting Governor Brock- 
holls of New York, "about some Susquehanna land on ye back of 
us, where I intend a colony forthwith." About the time of his 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 107 

writing Governor Brockholls, Governor Thomas Dongan dis- 
placed Brockholls, Governor Dongan persuaded some of the 
Iroquois chiefs to give him a deed for these same lands. This he 
did, in order to get the matter in his own hands. Then, in the 
late autumn of 1683, he wrote Penn, advising him of the pur- 
chase and saying that he and Penn would not "fall out" over the 
matter. Thus the matter stood until January 13th, 1696, on 
which date Penn got a deed of lease and release from Dongan for 
the lands. In order to get indisputable title to these lands, Penn, 
on September 13th, 1700, concluded a treaty with Oretyagh and 
Andaggy-Junkquagh, chiefs of the Susquehannas or Conestogas, 
by the terms of which they ratified Dongan's deed to Penn. This 
sale was further confirmed in the "Articles of Agreement" of 
April 23d, 1701, between Penn and the Five Nations, Susque- 
hannas, Shawnees and Conoys. However, the Iroquois contended 
that they had deeded the Susquehanna lands to Dongan simply 
in trust and did not release any control over or rights in the same. 
At the time of this treaty of 1736, the Colonial Authorities of 
Pennsylvania were impressed by Conrad Weiser with the power 
and influence of the Six Nations, and, accordingly, did not dis- 
pute with their deputies when they claimed indemnity for all the 
Susquehanna lands south and east of the Blue Mountains. 

The consideration of the deed for these lands, dated October 
11th, 1736, was 500 pounds of powder, 600 pounds of lead, 45 
guns, 100 blankets, 200 yards of cloth, 100 shirts, 40 hats, 40 
pairs of shoes and buckles, 40 pairs of stockings, 100 hatchets, 
500 knives, 100 hoes, 100 tobacco tongs, 100 scissors, 500 awls, 
120 combs 2000 needles, 1000 flints, 20 looking glasses, 2 pounds 
of Vermillion, 100 tin pots, 25 gallons of rum, 200 pounds of 
tobacco, 1000 pipes, and 24 dozens of garters. That part of these 
goods which represented the consideration for the lands on the 
east side of the Susquehanna, was delivered, but that which rep- 
resented the consideration for the lands on the west side of the 
river, was, at the Indians' desire, retained, and was finally 
delivered in 1742. 

Shikellamy and twenty-two other chiefs of the Onondagas, 
Senecas, Oneidas, Tuscaroras and Cayugas, all the allied tribes 
of the great Iroquois Confederation, except the Mohawks, signed 
this deed, a copy of which is recorded in the Pennsylvania 
Archives, Vol. 1, pages 494 to 498. 

The sale of the Susquehanna lands greatly off'ended the 
Shawnees. When this tribe came to Pennsylvania, they were 


given permission by the Iroquois to live on these lands. There- 
fore, when the Shawnees learned of the treaty of 1736, they sent 
one hundred and thirty of their leaders with a belt to the French, 
saying; "Our lands have been sold from under our feet; may we 
come and live with you?" The French readily consented, and 
ofTered to come and meet them with provisions. This informa- 
tion came from the Mohawks, who received no share of the ar- 
ticles given for the lands. Indeed, this sale of the Susquehanna 
lands had much to do with bringing about finally the total 
alienation of the Shawnees from the English cause. Conrad 
Weiser, the advisor of the Pennsylvania authorities, had a great 
love and admiration for the Iroquois, but little or no respect for 
the Shawnees, and it was his opinion that the Province would 
establish a dangerous precedent, if it were to recognize the claims 
of the Shawnees to these lands, inasmuch as they were only so- 
journers on the same. 

But the sale of the Susquehanna lands involved Maryland and 
Virginia, which colonies had never paid the Iroquois for the lands 
in their dominions to which the Iroquois claimed title as the 
conquerors of the tribes formerly owing them. As we shall see, 
this matter was adjusted at the Lancaster Treaty of 1744 by the 
purchase of these lands by Maryland and Virginia. 

On October 25th, just two weeks after the signing of the deed 
of the Susquehanna lands, when most of the influential deputies 
of the Iroquois had left Philadelphia, and after those who re- 
mained had been drinking heavily, another deed was drawn up 
embracing all the Six Nations' claim to lands within Pennsylvania 
"beginning eastward on the River Delaware, as far northward as 
the ridge or chain of Endless Mountains as they cross ye country 
of Pennsylvania, from eastward to the West." This deed estab- 
lished a precedent for an Iroquois claim to all the lands owned by 
the Delaware Indians, and was the cause, as we shall see, of 
greatly embittering the Delawares. 

Shikellamy was one of the signers of this deed to the Delaware 
lands, which, in addition to conveying the lands of the Dela- 
wares, contained the solemn promise that at no time would the 
Six Nations sell any lands within the Province of Pennsylvania 
to any person or persons, Indians or white men, except to "the 
said Wm. Penn's Children." For copy of the deed, see Pennsyl- 
vania Archives, Vol. 1, pages 498 and 499. 

It is clear that, while William Penn recognized the claim of 
the Six Nations to the lands of the Susquehannas or Conestogas, 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 109 

yet he never recognized any claim on the part of the Six Nations 
to the lands of the Delawares; and, prior to this treaty of 1736, it 
cannot be found that the Iroquois themselves ever made any 
claim to the lands of the Delawares, although of course, they had 
exercised an overlordship over them, "declaring them women and 
forbidding them to make war," It is very probable that, at the 
time of making the Iroquois deed for the Delaware lands, no one 
realized what the outcome of such a deed would be. It was an 
indirect way of denying to the Delaware Indians all title to their 
lands. The Iroquois had promised that in the future they would 
never sell any land within the limits of Pennsylvania to anyone 
except Penn's heirs, and, probably, the chief purpose in securing 
this deed was to place this promise of the Six Nations perma- 
nently in writing. 

This action in purchasing the Delaware lands from the Iro- 
quois marked a great change in the Indian policy of Pennsylvania 
— a change brought about by Shikellamy and Conrad Weiser. 
Weiser interpreted the deed to the Iroquois, and they were evi- 
dently aware that they had gained a most important point; that, 
henceforth, the Colony of Pennsylvania would be a sponsor for 
their claims on the Delaware River; and that all the ancient dis- 
putes with the Delawares in this matter were settled. Further- 
more, by this action, the Colony of Pennsylvania had taken sides 
in the age-long quarrel between the Iroquois on the one hand and 
the Delawares on the other. William Penn had refused to take 
sides in any Indian differences, but his sons were more bent on 
personal profit than on public justice and public security. 

From the date of this purchase, it was no longer possible for 
the Colony of Pennsylvania to treat the Delawares as formerly. 
The Six Nations had been recognized as the favorite people and 
the Delawares, the affectionate friends of William Penn, as under- 
lings. The Delawares had already been offended through the 
long delay in purchasing from them the Tulpehocken lands, which 
had been settled many years before the Colony got an Indian title 
for the same. Now, in purchasing their lands from the Iroquois, 
the Colony started that long series of events with the Delawares, 
which resulted in the bloodiest invasion in colonial history — an 
invasion which drenched Pennsylvania in blood from 1755 to 
1764; but at the same time, while thus bringing upon herself a 
Delaware and Shawnee war, she escaped a Six Nation war, which 
no doubt would have been much more serious in its consequences. 

The two deeds gotten from the Iroquois at the Treaty of 1736 


embraced the counties of York, Adams, and Cumberland, that 
part of FrankHn, Dauphin, and Lebanon southeast of the Blue or 
Kittatinny Mountains, and that part of Berks, Lehigh, and North- 
ampton not already possessed. 

For a full account of the Treaty of 1736, the reader is referred 
to the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 4, pages 79 to 95. 

During the spring following the treaty of 1736, Conrad Weiser, 
at the solicitation of Governor Gooch of Virginia, was sent by the 
Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania to the central seat of the 
Six Nations at Onondaga, New York, in an effort to arrange a 
peace between the Iroquois and the Catawbas, Cherokees and 
allied tribes of the South. On this terrible journey through the 
deep snows of Pennsylvania and New York, Weiser was accom- 
panied by a neighbor, named Stoffel Stump, Shikellamy and an 
Onondaga Indian, named Owisgera. The Iroquois agreed to an 
armistice of one year. Weiser's account of his mission is found 
in Vol. 1 of the Collections of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania, and is one of the most interesting and valuable documents 
relating to the early history of the Keystone State. 

"The Walking Purchase" 

While the Six Nations at the treaty held at Philadelphia in 
October, 1736, just described, went on record in declaring that the 
Delaware nation had no lands to sell, yet the Colonial Authorities 
of Pennsylvania depended for quiet enjoyment upon the old 
deeds from the Delawares to William Penn and his heirs, men- 
tioned in an earlier chapter. In 1734, Thomas Penn, son of the 
founder of the Colony, claimed to have found a copy of a certain 
deed from the Delaware chiefs, Mayhkeerickkishsho, Taugh- 
houghsey, and Sayhoppy, to his father, dated August 30, 1686, 
calling for a dimension "as far as a man can go in a day and a half" 
and thence to the Delaware River and down the courses of the 
same. The original of this deed, Thomas Penn claimed, had been 
lost for many years. The alleged description set forth in the 
original deed was as follows : 

"All those lands lying and being in the province of Pennsyl- 
vania, beginning upon a line formerly laid out from a corner 
spruce tree, by the river Delaware, and from thence running along 
the ledge or the foot of the mountains west northwest (west south- 
west) to a corner white oak marked with the letter P. standing by 
the Indian path that leadeth to an Indian town called Playwiskey, 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 111 

and from thence extending westward to Neshaminy Creek, from 
which said Hne, the said tract or tracts thereby granted doth ex- 
tend itself back into the woods, as far as a man can go in one day 
and a half, and bounded on the westerly side with the creek called 
Neshaminy, or the most westerly branch thereof, and from thence 
by a line to the utmost extent of said creek one day and a half's 
journey to the aforesaid river Delaware, and thence down the 
several courses of the said river to the first mentioned spruce 

The Delaware town, Playwiskey, or Playwickey, was the resi- 
dence of the great Delaware chief, Tamanend, or Tammany, and 
was located about two and a half miles west of the present town 
of Langhorne, Bucks County. A monument now marks its site. 

The dimension set forth in the foregoing alleged deed was 
never "walked" in the lifetime of William Penn. Thomas Penn 
and the other Colonial Authorities were anxious that the lands 
described in the alleged deed should be measured without further 
delay. Some of the Delawares did not wish the line measured, 
but, on August 25, 1737, the more influential chiefs of the Munsee 
Clan, among whom were "King Nutimus" and Manawkyhickon, 
entered into a treaty with Thomas Penn by the terms of which 
they agreed that the land should be measured by a walk according 
to the provisions of the deed. This agreement of August 25th was 
virtually a deed of release of the lands claimed to have been 
granted by the deed of August 30, 1686. We shall now see how 
well Thomas Penn and his associates were prepared for the "walk" 
and how it was accomplished : 

The 19th day of September, 1737, was the day appointed for 
the "walk." It was agreed that the starting point should be a 
chestnut tree standing a little above the present site of Wrights- 
town, Bucks County. Timothy Smith, the sheriff of Bucks Coun- 
ty, and Benjamin Eastburn, the surveyor-general, supervised the 
so-called walk. The persons employed by the Colonial Authori- 
ties to perform the walk, after the Proprietaries had advertised 
for the most expert walkers in the Province, were athletes famous 
for their abilities as fast walkers; and, as an inducement for their 
making this walk a supreme test of their abilities, a compensation 
of five pounds in money and 500 acres of land was offered the 
one who could go the longest distance in the allotted time. Their 
names were Edward Marshall, a native of Bucks County, a noted 
chain carrier, hunter and backwoodsman; James Yates, a native 
of the same county, a tall and agile man, with much speed of foot; 


and Solomon Jennings also a man of remarkable physique. These 
men had been hunted out by the Proprietaries' agents as the 
fastest backwoodsmen in the Province, and as a preliminary 
measure, they had been taken over the ground before, spending 
some nine days, during which their route was marked off by 
blazing the trees and clearing away the brush. 

At sunrise on the day appointed, these three athletes, accom- 
panied by a number of Indians and some white persons, some of 
whom carried refreshments for them, started from the chestnut 
tree above Wrightstown; and, at first, they walked moderately, 
but before long they set such a pace that the Indians frequently 
called upon them to walk and not run. The remonstrance of the 
Indians producing no effect, most of them left in anger and dis- 
gust, asserting that they were basely cheated. By previous ar- 
rangement, a number of white people were collected about twenty 
miles from the starting point, to see the "walkers" pass. Yates 
was much in the lead, and was accompanied by several persons 
on horseback; next came Jennings, but out of sight; and lastly, 
Marshall, proceeding in an apparently careless manner, eating a 
biscuit and swinging a hatchet from hand to hand, evidently to 
balance the motion of his body. The above mentioned body of 
whites bet strongly in favor of Yates. Jennings and two of the 
Indians who accompanied him were exhausted before the end of 
the first day, and were unable to keep up with the other two. 
Jennings never thereafter recovered his health. However, Yates 
and Marshall kept on, and, at sunset, had arrived at the north 
side of the Blue Mountains. 

At sunrise of the next day, Yates and Marshall started again, 
but, when crossing a stream at the foot of the mountain, Yates 
fell into the water, and Marshall turned back and supported him 
until some of the attendants came up, and then continued on his 
way alone. Yates was stricken with blindness and lived only 
three days. At noon Marshall threw himself full length upon the 
ground and grasped a sapling which stood on a spur of the Second 
or Broad Mountain, near Mauch Chunk, Carbon County, which 
was then declared to mark the distance that a man could travel 
on foot in a day and a half — estimated to be about sixty-five 
miles from the starting point. Thus, one man out of three covered 
this distance, and lived. 

In the agreement with Thomas Penn to have the bounds of 
the alleged deed made by a walk, the Delawares believed that as 
far as a man could go in a day and a half would not extend beyond 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 113 

the Lehigh Hills, or about thirty miles from the place of begin- 
ning; but the crafty and unprincipled Colonial Authorities had 
laid their plans to extend the walk to such a point as to include 
the land in the Forks of the Delaware and also farther up that 
river, it being their desire to obtain, if possible, the possession of 
that desirable tract of land along the Delaware River above the 
Blue Mountains, called the "Minisink Lands." Having, as we 
have seen, reached a point more than thirty miles farther to the 
northwestward than the Delawares had anticipated, the Colonial 
Authorities now proceeded to draw a line from the end of the 
walk to the Delaware River. The alleged deed did not describe 
the course that the line should take from the end of the walk to 
the river; but any fair-minded person would assume that it 
should follow the shortest distance between these two places. 
However, the agent of the Proprietaries, instead of running the 
line by the nearest course to the Delaware, ran it northeastward 
across the country so as to strike the river near the mouth of the 
Lackawaxen, which flows into the Delaware River in the northern 
part of Pike County. The extent of this line was sixty-six miles. 
The territory as thus measured was in the shape of a great triangle 
whose base was the Delaware River and whose apex was the end 
of the walk, and included the northern part of Bucks, almost all 
of Northampton, and a portion of Pike, Carbon, and Monroe 
Counties. This fraudulent measurement thus took in all the 
Minisink Lands and many thousand acres more than if the line 
had been run by the nearest course from the end of the walk to 
the Delaware. 

Delawares Driven from Lands of "Walking Purchase" 

When the settlers began to move upon the lands covered by 
the Walking Purchase of 1737, which they did soon after the 
"walk" was made, King Nutimus and several of the other Dela- 
ware chiefs who had signed the treaty or deed of release of 1737, 
were not willing to quit the lands or to permit the new settlers to 
remain in quiet possession. Indeed, they remonstrated freely 
and declared their intention to remain in possession, even if they 
should have to use force of arms. 

In the spring of 1741, a message was sent by the Colonial 
Authorities to the Six Nations, requesting them to come down and 
force the Delawares of the Munsee Clan to quit these lands. The 
Six Nations complied and sent their deputies to Philadelphia, 


where this and other matters were taken up in the treaty of July, 
1 742, to be described presently. At this treaty. Governor Thomas 
called the attention of Canassatego, the speaker of the Iroquois 
delegation, to the fact that a number of the Delaware Indians, 
residing on the Minisink lands above the mouth of the Lehigh 
River, had refused to surrender peaceful possession of the territory 
secured to the Colony by the Walking Purchase. However, the 
Governor did not tell Canassatego that, when John and Thomas 
Penn were persuading the Delawares to confirm the deeds covered 
by the Walking Purchase, they had promised these Indians 
that the said papers "would not cause the removal of any Indians 
then living on the Minisink Lands." These Delawares had re- 
quested that they be permitted to remain on their settlements, 
though within the bounds of the Walking Purchase, without being 
molested, and their request was granted. Later, on August 24, 
1737, just the day before the Delaware chiefs signed the deed, or 
treaty, confirming the alleged deed of August 30, 1786, the assur- 
ances given the Delawares by John and Thomas Penn were re- 
peated and confirmed at a meeting of the Provincial Council at 

Canassatego, unaware of the assurances given the Delawares, 
replied as follows: 

"You informed us of the misbehavior of our cousins, the Dela- 
wares, with respect to their continuing to claim and refusing to 
remove from some land on the River Delaware, notwithstanding 
their ancestors had sold it by deed under their hands and seals to 
the Proprietors for a valuable consideration, upwards of fifty 
years ago, and notwithstanding that they themselves had about 
five years ago, after a long and full examination, ratified that 
deed of their ancestors, and given a fresh one under their hands 
and seals; and then you requested us to remove them, enforcing 
your request with a string of wampum. Afterwards you laid on 
the table, by Conrad Weiser, our own letters, some of our cousins* 
letters, and the several writings to prove the charge against our 
cousins, with a draught of the land in dispute. We now tell you 
that we have perused all these several papers. We see with our 
own eyes that they [the Delawares] have been a very unruly 
people, and are altogether in the wrong in their dealings with you. 
We have concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over 
the River Delaware, and to quit all claim to any lands on this 
side for the future, since they have received pay for them, and it 
has gone through their guts long ago. To confirm to you that we 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 115 

will see your request executed, we lay down this string of wampum 
in return for yours." 

Attending the treaty were some Delawares from the Sunbury 
region, headed by Sassoonan, and a delegation from the Forks of 
the Delaware, headed by Nutimus. As soon as Canassatego 
finished the foregoing speech, taking a belt of wampum in his 
hand, he turned to the Delawares, and delivered the following 
humiliating address: 

"COUSINS: — Let this belt of wampum serve to chastise you; 
you ought to be taken by the hair of the head and shaked severely 
till you recover your senses and become sober; you don't know 
what ground you are standing on, or what you are doing. Our 
Brother Onas' case is very just and plain, and his intentions to 
preserve friendship; on the other hand your cause is bad; your 
head far from being upright, you are maliciously bent to break 
the chain of friendship with our Brother Onas. We have seen 
with our eyes a deed signed by nine of your ancestors above fifty 
years ago for this very land, and a release signed not many years 
since by some of yourselves and chiefs now living to the number 
of fifteen or upwards. 

"But how came you to take upon you to sell land at all? We 
conquered you ; we made women of you ; you know you are women 
and can no more sell land than women. Nor is it fit that you 
should have the power of selling land, since you would abuse it. 
This land that you claim is gone through your guts. You have 
been furnished with clothes and meat and drink by the goods paid 
you for it, and now you want it again like children, as you are. 
But what makes you sell land in the dark? Did you ever tell us 
that you had sold this land? Did we ever receive any part, even 
the value of a pipe shank for it? 

"You have told us a blind story that you sent a messenger to 
inform us of the sale, but he never came amongst us, nor we never 
heard anything about it. This is acting in the dark, and very 
different from the conduct which our Six Nations observe in their 
sales of land. On such occasions, they give public notice and in- 
vite all the Indians of their united nations, but we find that you 
are none of our blood. You act a dishonest part, not only in this, 
but in other matters. Your ears are ever open to slanderous re- 
ports about our brethren . . . And for all these reasons we 
charge you to remove instantly; we don't give you liberty to 
think about it. You are women; take the advice of a wise man, 
and remove immediately. You may return to the other side of 


the Delaware, where you came from, but we don't know whether, 
considering how you have demeaned yourselves, you will be per- 
mitted to live there, or whether you have not swallowed that land 
down your throats, as well as the land on this side. We, therefore, 
assign you two places to go,— either to Wyoming or Shamokin. 
You may go to either of these places, and then we shall have you 
more under our eye, and shall see how you behave. Don't de- 
liberate, but remove away, and take this belt of wampum." 

Canassatego spoke with the air of a conqueror and one having 
authority; and both the manner of the delivery of his speech and 
the manner in which it was received by the trembling Delawares, 
would indicate that the Six Nations must have been right in their 
contention that they gained the ascendency over the Delawares, 
not by artifice, as the Delawares told Heckewelder, but by force of 
arms, some authorities asserting that, when the Iroquois con- 
quered the Susquehannas in 1675, this conquest carried with it 
the subjugation of the Delawares, inasmuch as the Susquehannas 
were overlords of the Delawares. "When this terrible sentence 
was ended," says Watson, "it is said that the unfeeling political 
philosopher [Canassatego] walked forward, and, taking strong 
hold of the long hair of King Nutimus, of the Delawares, led him 
to the door and forcibly sent him out of the room, and stood 
there while all the trembling inferiors followed him. He then 
walked back to his place like another Cato, and calmly pro- 
ceeded to another subject as if nothing happened. The poor fel- 
lows [Nutimus and his company], in great and silent grief, went 
directly home, collected their families and goods, and, burning 
their cabins to signify they were never to return, marched reluc- 
tantly to their new homes." 

Shortly after the treaty of 1742, the Delawares of the Munsee 
Clan left the bounds of the "Walking Purchase" and the beauti- 
ful river bearing their name, and began their march toward the 
setting sun. The greater part of them, under Nutimus settled on 
the site of Wilkes-Barre, opposite Wyoming Town, and at "Niske- 
beckon," on the left bank of the North Branch of the Susque- 
hanna, not far from the mouth of Nescopeck Creek, in Luzerne 
County. The town which they established near the mouth of 
Nescopeck Creek was called "Nutimy's Town." Others went to 
the region around Sunbury; and others took up their abode on 
the Juniata, near Lewistown, Mifflin County. Later all went to 
the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny with their wrongs rankling 
in their bosoms. Furthermore, these Delawares of the Munsee 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 117 

or Wolf Clan went to the valleys of the Allegheny and Ohio at a 
critical time, — when the French were coming into the same 
valleys, asserting their claim to the region drained by these 
beautiful rivers, a claim based on the explorations of La Salle and 
the heroic Jesuit Missionaries, those true Knights of the Cross, to 
whom any one who correctly writes the early history of the 
region between the Mississippi River and the Allegheny Moun- 
tains must needs pay a high tribute of esteem. The French 
sympathized with the wronged Delawares. It is no wonder, then, 
that the Delawares joined the French in the French and Indian 
War, and brought upon defenseless Pennsylvania the bloodiest 
Indian invasion in American history. 

The term "Walking Purchase" is a term of derision. This 
fraudulent purchase has been called "the disgrace of the Col- 
onies." It was the subject of much discussion between the 
Quaker and Proprietary parties as being one of the chief causes 
of the alienation of the Delawares and of their taking up arms 
against the Colony during the French and Indian War, until the 
charge of "fraud" was withdrawn and the Delawares were recon- 
ciled through the influence of the Moravian missionary. Christian 
Frederick Post, at the treaty at Easton, in the summer of 1758. 
Says Dr. George P. Donehoo, in his recent great work, "Pennsyl- 
vania — A History" : "It matters little whether the Delaware were 
influenced by the Quakers to complain of the 'fraud,' or whether 
they themselves felt that they had been cheated, the fact still 
remains that the 'Walking Purchase' directly and indirectly, led 
to the gravest of consequences, so far as the warlike Munsee Clan 
of the Delaware was concerned." 

In connection with the removal of the Delawares from the 
bounds of the Walking Purchase, is the case of Captain John and 
Tatemy, two worthy Delaware chiefs who had always been warm 
friends of the white man. In November, 1742, they petitioned 
Governor Thomas, setting forth that they had embraced Christi- 
anity, and desired to live where they were, near the English. The 
Governor sent for them, and they appeared before the Provincial 
Council. Captain John did not own any ground, but advised the 
Governor, if permitted to live among the English, he would buy 
some. Tatemy owned three hundred acres of land, granted him 
by the Proprietaries; and he said he simply wanted to spend the 
remaining years of his life on his own plantation in peace with all 
men. The Governor ordered that Canassatego's speech be read to 
these poor Indians, refused their petition, and told them they 


would have to secure the consent of the Six Nations, the con- 
querors of the Delawares. Evidently the Six Nations made no 
objections, as Tatemy continued to live on his tract near Stocker- 
town, Northampton County, until his death, which took place 
about 1761. His house was one of the landmarks of the region. 
Here he was visited by Count Zinzendorf, in 1742. He attended 
many important councils with the Colonial Authorities. As we 
shall see later in this volume, his son, William, was mortally 
wounded while on his way to attend the Easton conference of 
July and August, 1757. 

The Shawnee Treaty of 1739 

The Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania, realizing that the 
Shawnees were rapidly being won over by the French, induced 
Kakowatcheky, of Wyoming, Kishacoquillas of the Juniata, and 
Neucheconneh and Tamenebuck, of the Allegheny, and other 
Shawnee chiefs, whose settlements were scattered from Wyoming 
and Great Island (Lock Haven) to the Allegheny, to come to a 
conference, or treaty, at Philadelphia on July 27th to August 1st, 
1739. At this conference the Conestoga and Shawnee agreement 
with William Penn, dated April 23rd, 1701, was brought to the 
attention of the chiefs; and they were told that the Colonial 
Authorities thought it proper to remind them of this solemn en- 
gagement which their ancestors had entered into with Penn, inas- 
much as the said Authorities knew that the emissaries of the 
French were endeavoring to prevail upon the Shawnees to re- 
nounce their agreement with the Colony. In other words, the 
Governor and Provincial Council put the plain question of the 
Shawnees' loyalty to past agreements with Pennsylvania. The 
chiefs desired that their reply be postponed until the following day, 
explaining that "it was their custom to speak or transact business 
of importance only whilst the sun was rising, and not when it was 
declining." In the morning, they showed that all past agree- 
ments had been kept by them quite as faithfully as by the white 
men. And since Pennsylvania had, about a year previously, 
promised to issue an order forbidding the sale of any more rum 
among them, they had sent one of their young men to the French, 
as an agent to induce them 'for all time, to put a stop to the sale 
of rum, brandy, and wine.' " The result of the conference was 
that the Shawnees, with the full understanding that the rum 
traffic was to be stopped, promised not to join any other nation. 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 119 


and confirmed the old Conestoga and Shawnee agreement or 
treaty of April 23rd, 1701. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 4, pages 336 to 

The Treaty of 1742 

Reference has been made to the Treaty of 1742 in connection 
with Canassatego's ordering the Delawares of the Munsee Clan 
from the bounds of the Walking Purchase. For a full account of 
this treaty, see the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 4, pages 
559 to 586. 

This treaty of July, 1742, was called for the purpose of paying 
the Iroquois for that part of the land purchased from them by 
Pennsylvania at the treaty of 1736 which lay west of the Susque- 
hanna River. Shikellamy and the other deputies of the Six 
Nations were expected to arrive in Philadelphia in May, 1742, 
but it was not until June 30th that the deputies, representing all 
tribes of the Confederation, except the Senecas and the Mohawks, 
arrived at Philadelphia, empowered to receive the pay for the 
lands west of the Susquehanna. The Senecas were not present at 
this treaty, because of a great famine among them ; nor were the 
Mohawks, because they were not considered to have any claims 
upon the Susquehanna lands. The sessions of the treaty began 
on July 2nd. The three remaining nations of the Iroquois con- 
federacy, early in the conference, received the goods in payment 
of that part of the Susquehanna lands lying west of the Susque- 
hanna River, comprising the counties of York, Cumberland, 
Adams, and most of Franklin. 

Soon after the goods in payment of the Susquehanna lands 
were divided, the Iroquois deputies expressed their dissatisfaction 
with the amount, although admitting that it was as agreed upon. 
They said they felt sure that, if the sons of William Penn, who 
were then in England, were present, they would agree to giving a 
large amount out of pity for the Indians on account of their pov- 
erty and wretchedness. Through their chief speaker, Canassatego 
an Onondago chieftain, they begged Governor Thomas, inasmuch 
as he had the keys to the Proprietors' chest, to open the same and 
take out a little more for them. Governor Thomas replied that 
the Proprietors had gone to England and taken the keys with 
them; whereupon, the Indians, as an additional reason for their 
request, called attention to the increasing value of the lands sold, 
and also to the fact that the whites were daily settling on Indian 
lands that had not been sold. They called attention to the fact 


that, at the last treaty with the Colony, the Iroquois had com- 
plained about the whites settling on unsold lands, and that the 
Governor, at that time, agreed to remedy this wrong. 

Said Canassatego: "Land is everlasting, and the few things 
we receive for it are soon worn out and gone; for the future, we 
will sell no lands but when Brother Onas [meaning the sons of 
William Penn] is in the country, and we will know beforehand the 
quality of goods we are to receive. Besides, we are not well used 
with respect to the lands still unsold by us. Your people daily 
settle on these lands and spoil our hunting. We must insist on 
your removing them, as you know they have no right to the north- 
ward of the Kittochtinny Hills [Kittatinny, or Blue Mountains]. 
In particular, we renew our complaints against some people who 
are settled at Juniata, a branch of the Susquehanna, and all along 
the banks of that river as far as Mahaniay, and desire that they 
be forwith made to go off the land, for they do great damage to 
our cousins, the Delawares." 

Canassatego further called attention to the fact that Maryland 
and Virginia had not paid the Iroquois for lands within their 
bounds upon which the whites were settling, and that, at the 
treaty of 1736, the Governor of Pennsylvania had promised to use 
his influence with Maryland and Virginia in their behalf in regard 
to this matter. "This affair," said Canassatego, "was recom- 
mended to you by our chiefs at our last treaty and you then, at 
our earnest desire, promised to write a letter to that person who 
has authority over those people, and to procure us an answer. As 
we have never heard from you on this head, we want to know what 
you have done in it. If you have not done anything, we now re- 
new our request, and desire you will inform the person whose 
people are seated on our lands that that country [western Mary- 
land and Virginia] belongs to us by right of conquest, we having 
bought it with our blood, and taken it from our enemies in fair 
war." Canassatego threatened that, if Maryland and Virginia 
did not pay for these lands, the Iroquois would enforce payment 
in their own way. 

Governor Thomas replied that he had ordered the magistrates 
of Lancaster County to drive off the squatters from the Juniata 
lands, and was not aware that any had stayed. The Indians in- 
terrupted, and said that the persons who had been sent to remove 
the squatters, did not do their duty; that, instead of removing 
them from the Juniata lands, they were in league with the squat- 
ters, and had made large surveys for themselves. The earnest 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 121 

arguments of Canassatego had the desired effect. The Provincial 
Council decided to add to the value of the goods a present of three 
hundred pounds. 

The Governor advised Canassatego that, shortly after the 
treaty of 1736, James Logan, President of the Council, had written 
the Governor of Maryland about the lands, but received no reply. 
Now the Governor promised to intercede with Maryland and Vir- 
ginia, and, if possible, to secure payment for the lands of the Iro- 
quois upon which the whites of those colonies were settling. He 
also renewed his promise to remove the squatters from the 
Juniata Valley. 

The squatters in the Juniata Valley were Germans. True to 
his promise to Canassatego, Governor Thomas had these persons 
removed the following year. But the squatters in the Big Cove, 
Little Cove, Big Connoloways, Little Connoloways, and the 
majority of those in Path Valley and Sherman's Valley were 
Scotch-Irish. These dwellers on lands not yet purchased from 
the Indians were not removed until May 1750, when Lieutenant- 
Governor Morris, after the organization of Cumberland County, 
in that year, sent Richard Peters, George Croghan, Conrad 
Weiser, James Galbraith and others with the under-sheriff of 
Cumberland County, to remove all persons who had settled north 
of the Blue or Kittatinny Mountains. Some of the cabins of these 
intruders were burned after the families had moved out, so as to 
prevent settlements in the future. It is thus that Burnt Cabins, 
in the north eastern part of Fulton County, got its name. Among 
the settlers removed on this occasion was Simon Girty, the elder, 
father of Simon, Jr., Thomas, George and James Girty. A 
sketch of the Girtys will appear later in this volume. In 1752, 
Governor Hamilton directed Andrew Montour to take up his 
residence in what is now Perry County for the purpose of pre- 
venting settlements being made on lands not purchased from the 

The Lancaster Treaty of 1744 

Hardly had the Iroquois deputies returned home from the 
treaty of 1742 when fresh troubles started between the Confed- 
eration of the Six Nations and the Catawbas and Cherokees of 
the South. These troubles involved Virginia, as some Iroquois 
were killed by Virginia settlers while on their way to attack the 
Catawbas. Learning of these matters, the Provincial Council 
of Pennsylvania sent Conrad Weiser to Shamokin to interview 


Shikellamy. Weiser held conferences with this great Iroquois 
vice-gerent on February 4th and April 9th, 1743. About this 
time, Governor Gooch of Virginia sent word to Governor Thomas 
of Pennsylvania that Virginia would accept the latter's mediation 
with the Six Nations. The Pennsylvania Authorities then sent 
Weiser and Shikellamy to Onondaga to arrange for a time and 
place of holding a treaty or conference between the Six Nations 
and Virginia. The Great Council at Onondaga accepted the offer 
of Governor Thomas of Pennsylvania and Governor Gooch of 
Virginia for a conference or treaty at Harris Ferry (Harrisburg) 
the next spring. Later, on account of the inconvenience of meet- 
ing at Harrisburg, it was decided to hold the treaty at Lancaster, 
a small town then sixteen years old. 

At Onondaga, the Iroquois chief, Zillawallie, gave the cause of 
the war between the Six Nations and the Catawbas. Addressing 
Weiser, he said; "We are engaged in a great war with the Cataw- 
bas, which will last to the end of the world ; for they molest us, 
and speak contemptuously of us, which our warriors will not 
bear, and they will soon go to war against them again. It will be 
in vain for us to dissaude them from it." 

On this mission to Onondaga, Conrad Weiser prevented a war 
between Virginia and the Six Nations — a war which would event- 
ually have involved the other colonies. 

Before describing the Lancaster Treaty, we call attention to 
the fact that, scarcely had the treaty of 1742 been concluded, 
when the Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania were asked by the 
Governor of Maryland for advice and assistance in that Colony's 
trouble with the Six Nations. It appeared that, in the early part 
of the summer of 1742, some Nanticokes in Maryland were im- 
prisoned, and that their friends, the Shawnees and Senecas, 
threatened to make trouble unless they were released. Governor 
Thomas of Pennsylvania engaged Conrad Weiser to accompany 
the Maryland messenger to the region of the Six Nations, as in- 
terpreter, for the purpose of inviting the Six Nations to a treaty 
to be held at Harris' Ferry (Harrisburg) in the spring of 1743. It 
does not appear that the Iroquois did any more than simply 
deliberate on this matter; but Maryland's advances at least had 
the virtue of opening negotiations at the Great Council of the 
Six Nations on the part of that Colony. 

On Friday, June 22nd, 1744, the long expected delegation of 
the Six Nations arrived at Lancaster for the purpose of entering 
into a treaty with Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. The 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 123 

delegation consisted of two hundred and forty-two, and was 
headed by Canassatego. There were many squaws and children 
mounted on horseback. Arriving in front of the Court House, the 
leaders of the delegation saluted the commissioners from Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, with a song. This was an 
invitation to the whites to renew former treaties and to make 
good the one now proposed. 

When the Maryland commissioners came to the Lancaster 
treaty, they had no intention whatever of recognizing any Iro- 
quois claims to lands within the bounds of their province, basing 
their position upon the following facts : (1 ) Maryland had bought 
from the Minquas, or Susquehannas, in 1652, all their claims on 
both sides of the Chesapeake Bay as far north as the mouth of the 
Susquehanna River. (2) The Minquas, aided by troops from 
Maryland, had, in 1663, defeated eight hundred Senecas and 
Cayugas of the Iroquois Confederation. 

But the Iroquois never abandoned their war on the Minquas 
until they overwhelmingly defeated this tribe in 1675, when they 
were reduced by famine and Maryland had withdrawn her al- 
liance. Now, in view of their conquest of the Minquas, the Six 
Nations claimed a right to the Susquehanna lands to the head of 
Chesapeake Bay. 

The Maryland commissioners receded from their position. 
The release for the Maryland lands was signed, on Monday, July 
2nd, at George Sanderson's Inn, instead of at the Court House. 
Conrad Weiser signed in behalf of the absent member of the Iro- 
quois Confederation, (Mohawk), both with his Indian name of 
Tarach-a-wa-gon, and that of Weiser. By his dexterous man- 
agement, the lands released were so described as not to give Mary- 
land a title to lands claimed by Pennsylvania, the boundary dis- 
pute between Maryland and Pennsylvania being at the time still 
pending. The release was for all "lands lying two miles above the 
upperm^ost forks of Patowmack or Cohongoruton River, near 
which Thomas Cresap has his hunting or trading cabin, [at Old 
Town fourteen miles east of Cumberland, Maryland,] by a line 
north to the bounds of Pennsylvania. But, in case such limits 
shall not include every settlement or inhabitant of Maryland, then 
such other lines and courses from the said two miles above the 
forks to the outermost inhabitants or settlements, as shall include 
every settlement and inhabitant in Maryland, and from thence 
by a north line to the bounds of Pennsylvania, shall be the limits. 
And, further, if any people already have or shall settle beyond the 


lands now described and bounded, they shall enjoy the same free 
from any disturbance of us in any manner whatsoever, and we do 
and shall accept these people for our Brethren, and as such will 
always treat them." Thus was the purchase happily affected. 

However, Shikellamy refused to sign the deed of the Maryland 
lands, being determined not to recognize that Maryland had any 
land claims north of the disputed boundary line between herself 
and Pennsylvania. 

The Virginia commissioners had their negotiations with the 
Iroquois deputies in progress at the same time as Maryland. They 
found the Iroquois very determined not to yield any part of their 
claim to the Virginia lands. Said Tachanoontia, an Onondaga 
chieftain: "We have the right of conquest— a right too dearly 
purchased, and which cost us too much blood to give up without 
any reason at all." Finally, after much oratory, the Six Nations 
released all their land claims in Virginia for a consideration of two 
hundred pounds in goods and two hundred pounds in gold, with 
a written promise to be given additional remuneration as the 
settlements increased to the westward; and the Virginia com- 
missioners guaranteed the Indians an open road to the Catawba 
country, promising that the people of Virginia would do their part 
if the Iroquois would perform theirs. The Iroquois understood 
this to mean that the Virginians would feed their war parties, if 
they (the Iroquois) would not shoot the farmers' cattle, chickens, 
etc., when passing to and from the Catawba country. 

"When the treaty was over, the Indians believed that they had 
established land claims in Virginia, that the open road was guar- 
anteed, that their warriors were to be fed while passing through 
the state, and that they had sold land only to the head-waters of 
the streams feeding the Ohio River. The Virginians, on the other 
hand, believed that they had extinguished all Iroquois land 
claims forever within the charter limits of their colony." The 
western bounds of the Virginia purchase were set forth as "the 
setting sun," leading Virginia to believe that the purchase in- 
cluded the Ohio Valley, but the Iroquois afterwards explained 
that by "the setting sun" was meant the crest of the Allegheny 
Mountains. It was after the treaty that large tracts of land were 
granted the Ohio Company; and it was not until the year 1768 
that the Six Nations, by the treaty of Fort Stanwix, New York, 
relinquished all their rights to the region on the east and south 
side of the Ohio, from the Cherokee River, in Tennessee, to 
Kittanning, Pennsylvania. 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 125 

Pennsylvania, the Peacemaker 

In the Lancaster Treaty, Pennsylvania was the mediator and 
peacemaker, inducing Maryland and Virginia to lay aside their 
opposition to Iroquois land claims, and settle in such a manner as 
to secure the friendship of the Six Nations. Thus the French 
were thwarted, and the English frontier from New England to 
the Carolinas was protected. Pennsylvania also confirmed her 
former treaties with the Iroquois. 

But while Pennsylvania was acting as peacemaker, she had 
trouble of her own to adjust with the Iroquois deputies. On 
April 9th, 1744, John (Jack) Armstrong, a trader on his way to 
the Allegheny, and his two servants, James Smith and Woodward 
Arnold, were murdered at Jacks Narrows (named for "Jack" 
Armstrong), on the Juniata, in Huntingdon County, by a Dela- 
ware Indian named Musemeelin. It appeared that Musemeelin 
owed Armstrong some skins, and Armstrong seized a horse and 
rifle belonging to the Indian in lieu of the skins. Later Muse- 
meelin met Armstrong near the Juniata and paid him all his in- 
debtedness except twenty shillings, and demanded his horse, but 
Armstrong refused to give the animal up until the entire debt 
was paid. Shortly after this, Armstrong and his servants passed 
the cabin of Musemeelin on their way to the Allegheny, and 
Musemeelin's wife demanded the horse, but by this time Arm- 
strong had sold it to James Berry. Musemeelin was away on a 
hunting trip at the time his wife made the demand on Armstrong, 
and, when he returned, she told him about it. This angered him 
and he determined on revenge. Taking two young Indians with 
him, Musemeelin went to the camp of Armstrong, shot Smith 
who was there alone and Arnold whom they found returning to 
camp, and, meeting Armstrong, who was sitting on an old log, he 
demanded his horse. Armstrong replied: "He will come by and 
by." "I want him now," said Musemeelin. "You shall have 
him. Come to the fire and let us smoke and talk together," said 
Armstrong. As they proceeded, Musemeelin shot and toma- 
hawked him. 

The matter was placed by Governor Thomas in the hands of 
Shikellamy at Shamokin, who caused the murderers to be appre- 
hended, and, after a hearing, ordered two of them to be sent to 
the Lancaster jail to await trial. Conrad Weiser was the bearer 
of the Governor's message to Shikellamy and Sassoonan. While 


Shikellamy's sons were conveying the prisoners to Lancaster, the 
friends of Musemeelin, who was related to some important Dela- 
ware chiefs, induced Shikellamy's sons to allow Musemeelin to 
escape. The other Indian was locked in jail. 

At the Lancaster treaty, Governor Thomas demanded of the 
Iroquois that they command their subjects, the Delawares, to 
surrender Musemeelin to the Provincial Authorities, and the In- 
dians were invited to Lancaster to witness the trial. The Iro- 
quois deputies replied that the Provincial Authorities should not 
be too much concerned; that three Indians had been killed at 
different times on the Ohio by the whites, and the Iroquois had 
never mentioned anything concerning them to the Colony. How- 
ever, they stated that they had severely reproved the Delawares, 
and would see that the goods which the murderers had stolen from 
Armstrong be restored to his relatives, and Musemeelin be re- 
turned for trial, but not as a prisoner. Later on August 21st, 
1744, Shikellamy brought the two prisoners to the Provincial 
Authorities at Philadelphia. Musemeelin was not convicted. He 
returned to his wigwam. 

No Delawares, the friends of William Penn, were present at 
the Lancaster Treaty, the Iroquois having forbidden them to 

It is difficult to overstate the importance of the Lancaster 
Treaty — in many respects the most important Indian Council 
ever held in Pennsylvania up to this time. War between England 
and France, King George's War, was then raging. At the opening 
of this conflict, the question uppermost in the minds, not only of 
the Governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, but of 
all the colonies, was, "What will be the attitude of the powerful 
Six Nations?" The successful settling of the disputed land claims 
of the Iroquois in Maryland and Virginia, by this treaty, through 
the mediation of Pennsylvania, with Weiser as mentor, had much 
to do with making possible the success of Weiser's future negotia- 
tions with the Onondaga Council, negotiations that resulted in 
the neutrality of the Iroquois during King George's War. Had 
not the Iroquois deputies, at the Treaty of Lancaster, promised 
to inform the Governor of Pennsylvania as to the movements of 
the French? Had this great Confederation sided with the French, 
the English colonies would have been swept into the sea. 

A full account of the Lancaster Treaty of 1744 is found in the 
Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 4, pages 698 to 737. 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 121 

Peter Chartier Deserts to the French 

Peter Chartier was the only son of Martin Chartier, who ac- 
companied the Shawnees, under Opessah, to Pequea, Lancaster 
County, in 1697 or 1698, and his mother was a Shawnee squaw. 
The father was a Frenchman, who had Hved among this band of 
Shawnees for many years prior to their entering Pennsylvania, 
and accompanied them in their wanderings. He set up a trading 
house at Pequea a few years after the Shawnees took up their 
abode there. At least, he traded at Pequea as early as 1707. 
Some years later, he removed his trading post to Dekanoagah, 
which we have seen was located on or near the present site of 
Washington Borough, Lancaster County. Here he died in 1718. 

Peter Chartier is said to have followed his father's example by 
marrying a Shawnee squaw. In 1718, he secured a warrant for 
three hundred acres of land "where his father is settled, on Sus- 
quehanna river." For some years he traded with the Shawnees 
who had left Pequea and settled near the site of Washington 
Borough and at Paxtang. Later he traded with those members 
of this tribe who had settled on the west side of the Susquehanna, 
at the mouth of Shawnee (now Yellow Breeches) Creek, on the 
site of the present town of New Cumberland, Cumberland 
County. We have already seen how he, in 1728, aided in the 
escape of the Shawnees who had murdered the two Conestogas. 
Still later, he is said to have removed to the valley of the Conoco- 
cheague. About 1730, he commenced trading with the Shawnees 
on the Conemaugh, and Kiskiminetas, and a little later, on the 

Chartier's principal seat on the Allegheny was Chartier's, 
Town, sometimes called Chartier's Old Town and Neucheconneh's 
Town, located near the site of Tarentum, Allegheny County. No 
doubt he and the Shawnee chief, Neucheconneh founded Char- 
tier's Town, about 1734. Chartier carried on a large trade with 
the Shawnees, and was the trusted interpreter in many councils 
between the Shawnees and the Colonial Authorities. However, 
he yielded to French influence, and, in the summer of 1745, with 
about four hundred Shawnees, deserted to the French. He and 
his followers went from his seat on the Allegheny, thence down 
the Allegheny and Ohio, robbing English traders as they de- 
scended the rivers. At Logstown, they made an unsuccessful 
attempt to have the aged Shawnee chief, Kakowatcheky, join 


them. They proceeded on down the Ohio to the mouth of the 
Scioto, at which place another Shawnee settlement had been 
made possibly a decade before, and known for many years after- 
wards as the Lower Shawnee Town. From the Lower Shawnee 
Town, Chartier and his Shawnees proceeded southward along 
the Catawba Trail, and established a town about twelve miles 
east of the site of the present town of Winchester, Kentucky. 
Their object was to be nearer the French settlements on the Mis- 

Some time after Chartier's desertion, many of his followers 
returned, among these being Neucheconneh and his band. In 
1747, the Council of the Six Nations placed the Oneida chief, 
Scarouady, in charge of Shawnee affairs, with his central seat at 
Logstown. Shortly thereafter, Neucheconneh, with Kako- 
watcheky, applied submissively to Scarouady to intercede for the 
returned Shawnees with the Colonial Authorities. Then, at a 
meeting on July 21st, 1748, at Lancaster, with the commissioners 
appointed by the Colony to hold a conference with the Six Na- 
tions, Twightwees and other Indians, the apology of the former 
deserters was received. At this meeting, the Shawnee chief, 
Tamenebuck, the famous Cornstalk of later years, eloquently 
pled that the misled Shawnees be forgiven. Said he: "We pro- 
duce to you a certificate of the renewal of our friendship in the 
year 1739, by the Proprietor and Governor. Be pleased to sign 
it afresh, that it may appear to the world we are now admitted 
into your friendship, and all former crimes are buried and entirely 

The request of Tamenebuck was rejected. The commission- 
ers refused to sign the certificate, and the Shawnees were told that 
it was enough for them to know that they were forgiven on condi- 
tion of future good behavior, and that when that condition was 
performed, it would be time enough for them to apply for such 
testimonials. It is not known whether Weiser advised this course 
or not, but it is certain that he could have prevented it, and in- 
duced the Colonial Authorities to make a valuable peace with the 
Shawnees now when they were so submissive and humble. Other 
tribes received presents at this Lancaster conference, but the 
Shawnees only had their guns mended. They went away in dis- 
grace, brooding over such treatment. Arriving at their forest 
homes in the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny, they were met 
by the sympathizing French, and, in a few short years, became 
allies of the French, in the French and Indian War, and spread 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 129 

terror, devastation and death throughout the Pennsylvania settle- 
ments. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 4, page 757 ; Vol. 5, pages 311 to 315.) 

Efforts to make Peace Between the Iroquois 
and the Southern Indians 

As early as 1744, many Shawnees of the upper part of the Ohio 
began to move down this stream to the mouth of the Scioto, and 
it was believed that the Catawbas were the instigators of this 
action. Fearing that, not only the Catawbas, but the whole 
Muskokee Confederation would join the French, Virginia and 
Carolina renewed their efforts to bring about a peace between 
the Catawbas and Iroquois; and Governor Gooch of Virginia 
wrote Governor Thomas of Pennsylvania in November of that 
year advising that the Catawbas were willing to make peace and 
requesting that Conrad Weiser get in touch with the Six Nations 
in the matter. 

Accordingly Weiser was sent once more to Onondaga on a 
peace mission. On May 19th, 1745, in company with Shikellamy, 
Shikellamy's son, Andrew Montour (son of Madam Montour), 
Bishop Spangenberg of the Moravian Church and two other 
Moravian missionaries, this veteran Indian Agent of the Colony 
of Pennsylvania set out from Shamokin for Onondaga, at which 
place he arrived on the 6th day of June. Weiser urged the Onon- 
daga Council to enter into peace negotiations with the Catawbas 
for the sake of the Governors of Virginia and Pennsylvania, if 
for no other reason. The Black Prince of the Onondagas, the 
speaker of the Iroquois, replied that the Great Council would be 
willing to send deputies to Philadelphia to meet the deputies of 
the Catawbas, but that they could not be sent until the summer 
of 1746. 

At this point we call attention to the fact that, at the Albany 
Treaty, held in October, 1745, between the Six Nations and New 
York, Connecticut, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, in an un- 
successful attempt to persuade the Iroquois to take up arms 
against the French in King George's War, the matter of the Ca- 
tawba war again came up, but was not pressed. On that occasion, 
Canassatego explained to Thomas Laurence, John Kinsey, and 
Isaac Norris, the Commissioners from Pennsylvania, that the 
chiefs of the Six Nations were not able to restrain their young 
warriors from making raids into the Catawba country until peace 
was declared. The Great Council of the Six Nations had all it 


could do, at that time, to preserve neutrality in the struggle be- 
tween the French and English, known as King George's War. In 
fact the Iroquois and Catawba War went on intermittently until 

Shikellamy and Weiser found the Great Council at Onondaga 
very much incensed at the conduct of Peter Chartier, in deserting 
to the French and leading a band of Shawnees down the Ohio. 
They asked why Pennsylvania did not declare war against him 
at once. 

The reason why Bishop Spangenberg and the other Moravian 
missionaries accompanied Shikellamy and Weiser on this journey, 
was that the Moravians at that time had a project on foot to 
transfer their mission at Shekomeko, New York, to the Wyoming 
Valley, on the North Branch of theSusquehanna,in Pennsylvania; 
and this necessitated negotiations with the Great Council at 
Onondaga to whose dependencies Wyoming belonged. Count 
Zinzindorf had held a conference with the great Iroquois chief- 
tain, Canassatego, at Weiser's home near Womelsdorf , in August, 
1742, when the Iroquois deputies were returning from the treaty 
of 1742, at which conference the Moravians were given permission 
by the Iroquois to establish their missions in Pennsylvania. Now 
the Onondaga Council replied to the request of Bishop Spangen- 
berg that they were glad to renew their contract with Count Zin- 
zindorf and the Moravians, and they gave their consent to the 
proposed Moravian settlement at Wyoming. 

The Moravians founded the town of Bethlehem in December, 
1741, which has ever since been the central seat of the Moravian 
Church in America. Later, they established a mission at Frieden- 
sheutten, near Bethlehem, another called Friedensheutten, (Tents 
of peace), the Indian town of Wyalusing, Bradford County, 
another at Gnadenhuetten (Tents of grace), near Weissport, in 
Carbon County, another at Shamokin, the great Indian capital, 
and another at Wyoming, Luzerne County. They also established 
missions in the western part of the state. These were at and in 
the vicinity of the Munsee Delaware town of Goschgoschunk, 
near Tionesta, Forest County, and Friedensstadt (City of peace) 
on the Beaver, in Lawrence County. In 1772, the Moravian 
missionaries, John Etwein and John Roth, conducted the con- 
gregation from Wyalusing to Friedensstadt on the Beaver. The 
efforts of the Moravian Church to convert the Delawares and 
other Indians of Pennsylvania to the Christian faith is one of the 
most delightful chapters in the history of the Commonwealth. 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 131 

The First Embassy to the Indians of the Ohio 

Soon after the first Delawares and Shawnees of Eastern Penn- 
sylvania went to the valleys of the Allegheny and Ohio, Penn- 
sylvania traders followed them to their new forest homes. The 
first mention of both these traders and the region of the Ohio and 
Allegheny, in the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, is in the 
minutes of a conference held at Philadelphia, July 3rd to 5th, 
1727, reported in the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 3, 
pages 271 to 276, between the Provincial Council and a number of 
chiefs of the Six Nations, in which the chiefs requested that 
"none of the traders be allowed to carry any rum to the remoter 
parts where James Le Torte trades, that is Allegheny on the 
Branches of Ohio." Even at this early day, French agents and 
traders also were among the Delawares and Shawnees of the 
Allegheny and Ohio; for, in the minutes of this same conference, 
we find a reference to a "fort" (no doubt a trading house), which 
the French had erected in the Allegheny Valley. Throughout the 
passing years, the Pennsylvania trader and the Frenchman sought 
to gain first place in the hearts of the Indians of these valleys. 
After the Lancaster Treaty of 1744, the Indian trade of Penn- 
sylvania increased in these valleys and spread as far as the shores 
of the Great Lakes and the banks of the Wabash, and, at the 
same time, the French became more active among the Indians 
in this trackless wilderness. 

Two Pennsylvanians realized the importance of keeping the 
Indians of the western region on friendly terms with the Colony. 
One was George Croghan, the "king of traders," who wrote to 
Richard Peters of the Provincial Council, on May 26th, 1747, that 
"some small presents" should be sent the Indians dwelling in 
the region of Lake Erie. The other was Conrad Weiser, who 
wrote Richard Peters, on July 20th, 1747, that "a small present 
ought to be made to the Indians on Lake Erie to acknowledge 
the receipt of theirs. It may be sent by some Honest Trader. I 
think George Croghan is fit to perform it. I always took him for 
an honest man, and have as yet no Reason to think otherwise of 
him." The present to which Weiser refers was a French scalp 
and some wampum which the Lake Erie Indians had just sent 
by the hand of Croghan for the Governor of Pennsylvania. 
Croghan had just returned from a trading journey among them, 
and had found them unfriendly to the French. (See Penna. 
Archives, Vol. 1, pages 742, 761 and 762.) 


Later, in the summer of 1747, it was decided by the Colonial 
Authorities to send a handsome present to the Indians of the 
Ohio and Lake Erie. George Croghan was selected as the person 
to carry the Pennsylvania present to the shores of the Ohio and 
while arrangements were being made for the mission, ten chiefs 
from Kuskuskies, among whom was Canachquasy, came to Phila- 
delphia in November, and gave the Provincial Council authentic 
information of the operations of the French in the western region. 
They were told by President Palmer that Croghan would bring 
the Pennsylvania present the following spring. This information 
soon reached the shores of the Ohio. 

Accordingly Croghan took the present to the Indians of the 
Ohio, in the spring of 1748. At Logstown, on April 28th, he held 
council with the chiefs of several tribes, and gave them the present 
of powder, lead, vermillion and flints. When he began to dis- 
tribute the articles, he found they were not enough to satisfy the 
fifteen hundred Indians, and so he added much from his own 
trading stores. He told the Indians that, in answer to their 
complaints against the whiskey traders, the Governor had issued 
a proclamation forbidding the carrying of this liquor into the 
Indian country. Finally he told them that Conrad Weiser would 
come with a much larger present, on behalf of Pennsylvania, 
about the first of August. 

Conrad Weiser arrived at Logstown on the evening of August 
27th as the head of what is generally called the first embassy ever 
sent by the Colony of Pennsylvania to the Indians of the Ohio 
and Allegheny, although it would be more nearly correct to say 
that Croghan's mission of the preceeding April was the first. The 
Indians had been anxiously awaiting his coming. He notes in 
his journal that when they saw him, "great joy appeared in their 
countenances." Weiser distributed the goods making up the 
Pennsylvania present, and held many conferences with the In- 
dians during his two weeks stay among them. He visited the 
Delaware town of Sawcunk at the mouth of the Beaver and sent 
Andrew Montour, who accompanied him, to Kuskuskies to sum- 
mon the chiefs of that place to councils at Logstown. Kuskuskies 
was a group of villages on the upper Beaver, its centre being at or 
near the site of the city of New Castle. 

On September 8th, Weiser requested the chiefs with whom he 
held the conferences at Logstown to give him "a list of their 
fighting men." The chiefs complied with this request, and under 
this date he noted in his journal: 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 133 

"The following is the number of every Nation given to me by 
their several Deputies in Council in so many sticks tied up in a 
bundle: The Senecas, 163; Shawonese, 162; Owendaets (Wyan- 
dots), 100; Tisagechroanu, 40; Mohawks, 74; Onondagers (Onon- 
dagas), 35; Mohickons, 15; Cajukas (Cayugas), 20; Oneidas, 15; 
Delawares, 165; in all, 789." 

While at Logstown, Weiser made George Croghan's trading 
house his headquarters. He raised the British flag over this 
famous Indian town. On September 11th, he and Croghan 
smashed an eight gallon keg of rum which the trader, Henry 
Norland, had brought to the town. Among the noted sachems 
with whom he held important conferences were the Oneida chief, 
Tanacharison, also called the Half King, and the Oneida chief, 
Scarouady, who, upon the death of Tanacharison in the autumn 
of 1754, became his successor as "Half King." Tanacharison 
promised Weiser that he would keep Pennsylvania posted as to 
the movements of the French in the valleys of the Ohio and 
"Let us," said he, "keep up true correspondence, and always hear 
of one another." His protestation of friendship for the English 
was sincere. He remained faithful to the English interest to the 
end of his eventful life. Before leaving Logstown, Weiser paid a 
visit to the aged and infirm Shawnee chief, Kakowatcheky, and 
presented him with a blanket, a coat, stockings and tobacco. 
Kakowatcheky had removed from Wyoming to Logstown in 1743 
taking many of his tribe with him. 

This embassy to the Delawares, Shawnees, Senecas and other 
Indians on the Ohio was eminently successful. It left Pennsyl- 
vania in possession of the Indian trade from Logstown to the 
Mississippi and from the Ohio to the Great Lakes. Moreover, 
its success was most gratifying to all the frontier settlers. Not 
only Pennsylvania, but Maryland and Virginia were active in 
following up the advantage thus gained. A number of Maryland 
and Virginia traders pushed into the Ohio region, and presently 
the Ohio Company, formed by leading men of Virginia and 
Maryland, among whom were George Washington's half-brothers, 
Lawrence and Augustine, sought to secure the Forks of the Ohio. 

For Weiser's journal of this important mission, the reader is 
referred to the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 5, pages 348 
to 358. 

Death of Shikellamy 

On the 17th day of December in the eventful year of 1748, 
occurred the death of Shikellamy, "Our Enlightener," the most 
picturesque and historic Indian character that ever lived in Penn- 


sylvania. As we have seen, his residence was at Sunbury. Con- 
rad Weiser, in the later years of the old chief's life, had built him 
a substantial house which rested upon pillars for safety, and in 
which he always shut himself up when any drunken frolic was 
going on in the village. He had been taken ill in Philadelphia, 
but so far recovered that he had visited his old friend, Weiser, 
at his home near Womelsdorf, in April, 1748, and was able to com- 
plete his journey to Shamokin. Upon his return to Shamokin, 
he was again taken ill, and in June the Provincial Council was 
advised that he was so ill that he might lose his eyesight; but he 
recovered sufficiently to make a trip to Bethlehem early in Decem- 
ber, On his return from that place, he became so ill that he 
reached home only by the assistance of the Moravian missionary, 
David Zeisberger. His daughter and Zeisberger were with him 
during his last illness and last hours. David Zeisberger and 
Henry Frye made the old chief a coffin, and the Indians painted 
the body in their gayest colors, bedecked it with his choicest orna- 
ments, and placed with it the old chief's weapons according to the 
Indian custom. Then, after Christian burial services, conducted 
by David Zeisberger, Shikellamy was buried in the Indian bury- 
ing ground of his people in the present town of Sunbury. 

Shikellamy left to mourn him his three sons and a daughter. 
Another son. Unhappy Jake, was killed in the war with the 
Catawbas. The three sons who survived were: (1) Taghnegh- 
doarus, also known as John Shikellamy, who succeeded his hon- 
ored and distinguished father in authority, but never gained the 
confidence with which the father was held by both the Indians 
and the whites; (2) Taghahjute, or Sayughdowa, better known in 
history as Logan, Chief of the Mingoes, having been given the 
name of James Logan by Shikellamy, in honor of the distinguished 
secretary of the Provincial Council ; (3) John Petty. His daughter 
was the widow of Cajadies, known as the "best hunter among all 
the Indians," who died in November, 1747. After the death of 
Shikellamy, Shamokin (Sunbury) rapidly declined as a center of 
Indian afifairs, as his son who succeeded him was not able to 
restrain the Indians under his authority. 

Among the tributes which have been paid to this great chief- 
tain are the following: "He was a truly good man, and a great 
lover of the English," said Governor Hamilton, of the Colony of 
Pennsylvania. Said Count Zinzindorf, Moravian missionary, 
who, like all the prominent leaders of the Moravian Church, had 
been kindly received by Shikellamy: "He was truly an excellent 


A number of years ago, the great Vice-Gerent's grave was opened, and his 
pipe, a British medal and a number of other articles belonging to him were 
found therein. His grave is near the bridge leading to Northumberland. 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 135 

and good man, possessed of many noble qualities of mind, that 
would do honor to many white men, laying claims to refinement 
and intelligence. He was possessed of great dignity, sobriety and 
prudence, and was particularly noted for his extreme kindness to 
the inhabitants with whom he came in contact." Also, the Mora- 
vian historian, Loskiel, says of him: "Being the first magistrate, 
and the head chief of all the Iroquois Indians living on the banks 
of the Susquehanna, as far as Onondaga, he thought it incumbent 
upon himself to be very circumspect in his dealings with the white 
people. He assisted the Missionaries in building, and defended 
them against the insults of the drunken Indians; being himself 
never addicted to drinking, because, as he expressed it, he never 
wished to become a fool." 

The dust of this astute Iroquois statesman reposes at Sunbury 
on the banks of his long loved Susquehanna; and, as one stands 
near his grave and looks at the high and rocky river hill on the 
opposite side of the river, he beholds a strange arrangement of the 
rocks on the mountainside, resembling the countenance of an 
Indian warrior, and known locally as "Shikellamy's Profile." 
Thus, his face carved by nature's hand in the imperishable rock, 
gazes on the region where "Our Enlightener" had his home for so 
many years. 

The Purchase of 1749 

On July 1, 1749, a number of Seneca, Onondaga, Tutelo, Nan- 
ticoke, and Conoy chiefs came to Philadelphia to interview Gov- 
ernor Hamilton, with reference to the settlements which the 
white people were making "on the other side of the Blue Moun- 
tains." This delegation had gone first to Wyoming, the place 
appointed for the gathering of the deputies of the various tribes, 
had waited there a month for the other deputies, and then decided 
to go on to Philadelphia. Governor Hamilton advised the chiefs 
that the Province had been doing everything in its power to pre- 
vent persons from settling on lands not purchased from the In- 
dians. Immediately after the conference the Governor issued a 
proclamation, which was distributed throughout the Province, 
and posted upon trees in the Juniata and Path valleys, and other 
places where settlers had built their homes beyond the Blue 
Mountains, ordering all such settlers to remove from these lands 
by the first of November. As has already been related in this 
chapter, these settlers were removed by Conrad Weiser, George 


Croghan, Benjamin Chambers, James Galbraith and others, in 
May, 1750, acting under orders of Lieutenant-Governor Morris. 

The delegation of chiefs had left Philadelphia but a short time 
when Governor Hamilton received word from Conrad Weiser that 
the other Indian deputies, who had failed to join the previous 
delegation at Wyoming, were at Shamokin (Sunbury) on their 
way to Philadelphia. The Governor then sent word to Weiser, 
urging him to divert this new delegation from coming to the city. 
Weiser did all in his power to carry out the Governor's orders, 
but the Indians soon let him see that they were determined to go 
on to Philladelphia, at which place they arrived on the 16th of 
August, numbering two hundred and eighty, and led by Canassa- 
tego, the speaker at the former treaties at Lancaster and Phila- 

Canassatego was the speaker of the Indian delegation at the 
conferences which were then held with the Governor and Provin- 
cial Council. When advised of the efforts that Pennsylvania had 
made to prevent her people from settling on unpurchased land, 
Canassatego excused the Government for this, saying: "White 
people are no more obedient to you than our young Indians are 
to us." He thus also excused the war parties of young Iroquois 
who went against the Catawbas. Canassatego further offered to 
remedy the situation by saying that the Iroquois were "willing to 
give up the Land on the East side of Susquehannah from the 
Blue Hills, or Chambers' Mill to where Thomas McGee [McKee], 
the Indian trader, lives, and leave it to you to assign the worth of 
them." This great Iroquois statesman complained especially of 
the settlements on the branches of the Juniata, saying that these 
were the hunting grounds of the Nanticokes and other Indians 
under the jurisdiction of the Iroquois. He told the Governor that, 
when the Nanticokes had trouble with Maryland, where they 
formerly lived, they had been removed by the Six Nations and 
placed at the mouth of the Juniata, and that there were three 
settlements of the tribe still remaining in Maryland. These latter, 
he explained, wished to join their relatives in Pennsylvania, but 
that Maryland would not permit them to do so, "where they 
make slaves of them and sell their Children for Money." He then 
asked the Governor to intercede with the Governor of Maryland 
to the end that the Nanticokes in Maryland might be permitted 
to join their brethren on the Juniata. Explaining why the pro- 
posed treaty with the Catawbas had not taken place, Canas- 
satego said that King George's War breaking out had prevented 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 137 

them from getting together, "and now we say we neither offer nor 
reject Peace." He also let it be known that he did not believe 
that the Catawbas were sincere in their offers of peace. 

Governor Hamilton then took up with Canassatego the pro- 
posed sale of lands, and, after much discussion, the Six Nations' 
deputies sold to the Colony of Pennsylvania a vast tract of land 
between the Susquehanna and the Delaware, including all or parts 
of the present counties of Dauphin, Northumberland, Lebanon, 
Schuylkill, Columbia, Carbon, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike and 
Wayne. This is known in Pennsylvania history as the "Pur- 
chase of 1749," the deed having been signed on the 22nd of 
August of that year. Nutimus joined in the deed as chief of the 
Delawares at Nutimus' Town, at the mouth of Nescopeck Creek, 
Luzerne County. Also, Paxinosa, then residing at Wyoming, 
and the leading chief of the Shawnees of Eastern Pennsylvania, 
joined in this deed. 

Celoron's Expedition 

In the summer of 1749, the year following the treaty of Aix-la- 
Chapelle, which ended King George's War, Marquis de la Galis- 
soniere, then Governor-General of New France, sent Captain 
Celoron de Bienville with a detachment composed of one captain, 
eight subaltern officers, six cadets, one chaplain, twenty soldiers, 
one hundred and eighty Canadians and about thirty Indians, 
approximately half of whom were Iroquois, down the valleys of 
the Allegheny and Ohio to take formal possession of the region 
drained by these rivers for Louis XV of France. Coming down 
Conewango Creek to the Allegheny, Celoron, on July 29th, 
buried a leaden plate on the bank of the river, opposite the mouth 
of the Conewango, with an inscription thereon proclaiming that 
all the region drained by the "Beautiful River" and tributaries 
belonged to the Crown of France forever. This plate was after- 
wards stolen by some Indians, and several Cayuga chiefs carried 
it to Sir William Johnson at his residence on the Mohawk, on 
December 4th, 1750. Then, on January 29th, 1751, Governor 
George Clinton of New York sent a copy of the inscription on the 
plate to Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania. 

As Celoron floated down the beautiful and majestic rivers, 
whose forest-lined banks were clothed with the verdure of mid- 
summer, he buried other leaden plates, mostly at the mouths of 
tributary streams. One of these was buried near the "Indian 
God Rock," on the east side of the Allegheny, seven or eight miles 


below Franklin; one at the mouth of the Monongahela; one at 
the mouth of the Muskingum, and one at the mouth of the Great 
Kanawha. The one at the mouth of the Muskingum was found 
in 1798, and the one at the mouth of the Great Kanawha was 
found in 1846. The former has been preserved by the American 
Antiquarian Society, and the latter by the Virginia Historical 
Society. Several others were buried at places which cannot be 
definitely ascertained. The last was buried at the mouth of the 
Great Miami, where Celoron left the Ohio returning to Canada 
by way of Detroit. 

On his way down the Allegheny and Ohio, Celoron stopped at 
the principal Indian towns and held conferences with the natives, 
— at the village of Cut Straw, also called Buccaloons, at the mouth 
of Brokenstraw Creek in Warren County; at Venango (Franklin); 
at Attique or Attigue (Kittanning); at Chartier's Town, on or 
near the site of Tarentum; at Logstown and at other places. At 
Venango he found the English trader, John Frazer, who was 
driven from that place by the French in the summer of 1753, and 
removed to the mouth of Turtle Creek on the Monongahela. At 
Kittanning, he found that the inhabitants had fled to the woods, 
although he had sent Joncaire ahead to that place to request its 
chiefs to await his arrival without fear. At Chartier's Town, or 
probably at Logstown, he found six English traders with fifty 
horses and one hundred and fifty bales of fur. Ordering these 
traders to remove, he sent a letter to Governor Hamilton of Penn- 
sylvania, telling him to warn his traders "not to return into these 
territories" of the French King. This letter was dated August 
6th. At or near the site of Pittsburgh, he met Queen Allaquippa 
of the Senecas, whom he describes in his journal as "entirely 
devoted to the English." At Logstown, which he reached on 
August 8th, he ordered the British flag which Conrad Weiser had 
placed there the preceeding September, to be torn down and the 
French flag to be raised in its place. At his village on the Miami, 
Celoron held a conference with Old Britian, or La Demoiselle 
(the Young Lady), the great chief of the Miamis, and endeavored 
to draw him into a French alliance, but without success. The 
Joncaire brothers, Philip and Chabert, who for many years had 
been active agents of the French among the Indians of the Ohio 
and Allegheny, accompanied this historic expedition, as did 
Contrecoeur, who afterwards built Fort Duquesne, and M. de 
Villiers, who compelled Washington to surrender at Fort Neces- 
sity, July 4th, 1754. 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 139 

On June 30th, 1749, Governor Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, 
received a letter from Governor Clinton, of New York, advising 
that he had received information that an army of French was 
about to make its way into the valley of the "Belle Riviere." 
This was, of course, Celoron's expedition, just described. Gover- 
nor Hamilton sent word to George Croghan to go to the Allegheny 
to ascertain "whether any French were coming into those parts, 
& if any, in what numbers & what appearance they made, that 
the Indians might be apprised & put upon their guard." (See 
Penna. Col. Rec, Vol. V., page 387.) Croghan arrived at Logs- 
town immediately after Celoron had left, and, in councils with 
Tanacharison and Scarouady, counteracted the influence of 
the Frenchman. 

Attention is called to the fact that, before Croghan left Logs- 
town Tanacharison and Scarouady gave him three deeds for 
large tracts of land, about 200,000 acres in all. A large part of 
the city of Pittsburgh and all the towns on the south side of the 
Ohio River as far as the mouth of Raccoon Creek, in Beaver 
County, are located on two of these tracts. The third tract, 
60,000 acres, was located on the Youghiogheny in the region of 
the mouth of Big Sewickley Creek, Westmoreland County. These 
were the first grants of land by the Indian to the white man in the 
valley of the Ohio. Croghan must have dated the deeds back 
about a week, as they bear date of August 2nd. Two of these 
deeds are recited in the records of the office of the Recorder of 
Deeds of Westmoreland County, one in deed book. No. A. page 
395, and the other in deed book. No. A, page SIL 

The Virginia Treaty at Logstown 

Shortly after the forming of the Ohio Company, in 1748, the 
King of England granted the company two hundred thousand 
acres of land to be taken on the south side of the Allegheny and 
Ohio between the Kiskiminetas River and Buffalo Creek and on 
the north side of the Ohio between Yellow Creek and Cross 
Creek, or in such other part of the region west of the Allegheny 
Mountains as the company should think proper. The grant 
contained the condition that the company should settle one 
hundred families thereon within seven years and erect a fort*. On 
the company's compliance with this condition, it was to receive 
three hundred thousand acres more, south of the first grant. The 
company built a storehouse at Will's Creek (Cumberland, Mary- 

*The Ohio Company requested Pennsylvania Germans to settle on these lands. They declined , 
as they desired clergymen of their own language and faith (Lutheran and Reformed) instead of 
clergymen of the established church of Virginia (Episcopal). Later hundreds of German fam- 
ilies received Pennsylvania titles to lands in this region. (Writings of Washington, by Sparks, 
Vol. 2, page 481). 


land), and, in 1751, opened a road towards the Ohio as far as 
Turkey Foot, Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania claimed that a large 
part of the company's grant was within the bounds of Charles 
IPs charter to William Penn ; and a dispute between Pennsylvania 
and Virginia, with reference to these lands, continued with vary- 
ing degrees of intensity until its happy consummation in the 
Act of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, passed April 1, 1784. 

As we have seen, Pennsylvania was following up the advant- 
ages gained by Croghan's and Weiser's embassy to Logstown in 
1748. In the meantime the Colony of Virginia had not relin- 
quished its claim to the Ohio Valley. In June, 1752, the com- 
missioners of Virginia, Joshua Fry, L. Lomax, and James Patton, 
held a treaty with the Delawares, Shawnees, and Mingoes of the 
Ohio Valley, at Logstown. Christopher Gist, the agent of the 
Ohio Company, George Groghan, and Andrew Montour were 
present, the latter acting as interpreter. The Great Council of 
the Six Nations declined to send deputies to attend the treaty. 
Said they: "It is not our custom to meet to treat of affairs in the 
woods and weeds. If the Governor of Virginia wants to speak 
with us, and deliver us a present from our father [the king], we 
will meet him at Albany, where we expect the Governor of New 
York will be present." 

The object of the treaty was to obtain from the Indians a con- 
firmation of the Lancaster Treaty of 1 744, by the terms of which 
Virginia claimed that the Iroquois had ceded to her their right to 
all lands in the valley of the Ohio. The task of the Virginia com- 
missioners was not an easy one for the reason that the Pennsyl- 
vania traders had prejudiced the Indians against Virginia. How- 
ever, the commissioners secured permission to erect two forts and 
to make some settlements. Tanacharison, who was present and 
took a prominent part in the negotiations, advised that his broth- 
ers of Virginia should build "a strong house" at the mouth of 
the Monongahela to resist the designs of the French. A similar 
request had been made to the Governor of Pennsylvania by the 
chiefs at Logstown when George Crogan was at that place in 
May, 1751. 

The Virginians, we repeat, laid claim to all the lands of the 
Ohio Valley by virtue of the purchase made at the treaty of 
Lancaster, in 1744, in which the western limit of the Iroquois 
sale was set forth as the "setting sun." Conrad Weiser had 
advised the Governor of Pennsylvania that the Six Nations never 
contemplated such sale, explaining that by the "setting sun" was 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 141 

meant the crest of the Allegheny Mountains, the divide between 
streams flowing to the Atlantic Ocean on the East and the Miss- 
issippi River on the West. At this Logstown treaty one of the 
Iroquois chiefs told the Virginia commissioners that they were 
mistaken in their claims. The chiefs agreed with the commis- 
sioners not to molest any settlements that might be made on the 
southeast side of the Ohio. At the treaty, two old chiefs, through 
an interpreter, said to Mr. Gist: "The French claim all on one 
side of the river [the Ohio], and the English all on the other side. 
Where does the Indian's land lie. " This question Gist found 
hard to answer. 

During the proceedings of the Virginia treaty, Tanacharison, 
as the representative of the Six Nations, bestowed, on June 11th, 
the sachemship of the Delawares on Chief Shingas, later called 
King Shingas, believed by many authorities to have been a 
nephew of the great Sassoonan, since whose death, in the autumn 
of 1747, the kingship of the Delawares had been vacant. Also, 
Tanacharison's friendship for George Croghan was shown at this 
treaty. He spoke of him as "our brother, the Buck, who is ap- 
proved by our Council at Onondaga." 

As to the kingship of Shingas, we call attention to the fact 
that he was not really king of the three Delaware Clans. He 
belonged to the Turkey Clan. As pointed out, in Chapter II, 
the head chief of the Turtle Clan was regarded as king of the 
three Clans of Delawares. 

Tanacharison Forbids French to Advance 

In the early part of the summer of 1753, the French, coming 
from Canada, erected Fort Presqu' Isle, where the city of Erie 
now stands, and later in the same year erected Fort Le Boeuf, 
where Waterford, Erie County, now stands. But before the 
erection of these forts, or on May 7, 1753, a message was sent 
down from Venango to George Croghan at his trading house, near 
the mouth of Pine Creek, about six miles up the Allegheny from 
the mouth of the Monongahela, by the trader, John Frazer, to 
the effect that the French were coming with three brass cannon, 
amunition and stores. Croghan and his associates were thrown 
into consternation. On the following day, two Iroquois runners 
from the Great Council House at Onondaga brought similar news; 
and on May 12th, a message was received from Governor Hamil- 
ton, of Pennsylvania, stating that he had received word from Sir 


William Johnson, of New York, that a large French expedition 
was marching towards the Ohio for the purpose of expelling the 
English and erecting forts. 

The entire party at Croghan's Pine Creek trading house looked 
to him as leader. A conference was at once held there with 
Tanacharison and Scarouady. After much deliberation, the 
sachems decided "that they would receive the French as friends, 
or as enemies, depending upon their attitude, but the English 
would be safe as long as they themselves were safe." Croghan's 
partners, Teafee and Calendar, taking with them the two messen- 
gers who had brought Governor Hamilton's warning, returned 
to Philadelphia, on May 30th, and reported in person. The fol- 
lowing day. Governor Hamilton laid the report of Teafee and 
Calendar before the Pennsylvania Assembly, which, on the same 
day, made an appropriation of eight hundred pounds for guns and 
amunition for the friendly Indians on the Ohio. A large part of 
the Assembly's appropriation was to be a present of condolence 
to the Twightwees on account of the murder of their king, "Old 
Britain," at his village on the Miami, on June 21, 1752, by a 
band of Ottawas and Chippewas, led by Charles Langlade, a 
Frenchman, of Detroit. 

For more than three months. Governor Hamilton held this 
money. In the meantime, Tanacharison and Scarouady, on 
June 23d, wrote Governor Dinwiddle, of Virginia, appealing for 
help in resisting the French invasion. In September, these chiefs 
sent a delegation of one hundred deputies to Winchester, Vir- 
ginia, to arrange for aid and supplies at a treaty then and there 
held between Virginia, in the interest of the Ohio Company, and 
the Six Nations and their tributary tribes in the valley of the 
Ohio, — the Delawares, the Shawnees, the Miamis or Twightwees, 
and the Wyandots. Scarouady headed the delegation of Indian 

While attending the Winchester treaty, the Indians heard of 
the appropriation which had been voted by the Pennsylvania 
Assembly; and thereupon, although no invitation had been re- 
ceived by them, they sent a portion of their deputies, under the 
leadership of Scarouady, to Carlisle, Pennsylvania, to ascertain 
whether the report were true. This delegation consisted of a 
number of the important chiefs of the Six Nations, Delawares, 
Shawnees, Twightwees, or Miamis, and the Owendats, or Wyan- 
dots. Governor Hamilton sent Conrad Weiser, Richard Peters, 
Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklin to Carlisle to meet these 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 143 

deputies, October 1st to 4th, 1753. George Croghan was present 
to give advice. These commissioners had gone to Carlisle without 
presents, and they had Conrad Weiser interview one of the chiefs 
to ascertain if it were not possible to go through the forms of 
condolence on the promise to pay when the goods should arrive 
later. The chief replied that his people could and would not do 
any public business while the blood of their tribe remained upon 
their garments, and that "nothing would wash it unless the 
presents intended to cover the graves of the departed were 
actually spread upon the ground before them." 

Presently the presents arrived and were distributed. 

While the commissioners and Indians were awaiting for the 
goods to arrive, Conrad Weiser learned from Scarouady that, 
when the Ohio Indians received the messages in May, 1753, ad- 
vising them of the threatened French invasion, they at once sent 
a warning to the French, who were then at Niagara, forbidding 
them to proceed further toward the Ohio Valley. This notice not 
deterring the French, the Indians then held a conference at Logs- 
town, and sent a second notice to the French when they were 
approaching the headwaters of French Creek, as follows: 

"Your children on Ohio are alarmed to hear of your coming so 
far this way. We at first heard that you came to destroy us. 
Our women left off planting, and our warriors prepared for war. 
We have since heard that you came to visit us as friends without 
design to hurt us, but then we wondered you came with so strong 
a body. If you have had any cause of complaint, you might have 
spoken to Onas or Corlear [meaning the Governors of Pennsyl- 
vania and New York], and not come to disturb us here. We have 
a Fire at Logstown, where are the Delawares and Shawnees and 
Brother Onas; you might have sent deputies there and said 
openly what you came about, if you had thought amiss of the 
English being there, and we invite you to do it now before you 
proceed any further." 

The French replied to this notice, stating that they would not 
come to the council fire at Logstown ; that they meant no harm to 
the Indians; that they were sent by command of the king of 
France, and that they were under orders to build four forts, — one 
at Venango, one at the Forks of the Ohio, one at Logstown, and 
another on Beaver Creek. The Ohio Indians then held another 
conference, and sent a third notice to the French, as follows: 
"We forbid you to come any farther. Turn back to the place 
from whence you came." 


Tanacharison was the bearer of this third notice to the French, 
the equivalent of a declaration of war, and very likely, of the 
other two. Before the conference at Carlisle ended, it was 
learned that Tanacharison had just returned to Logs town from 
delivering the third notice; that he had been received in a very 
contemptuous manner by the French; and that, upon his return, 
had shed tears, and actually warned the English traders not to 
pass the Ohio. 

For account of the Carlisle Conference of October, 1753, the 
reader is referred to the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Vol. 5, 
pages 665 to 686. 

Washington's Mission to the French 

The necessity for prompt and energetic action for the vindica- 
tion of the rights of the English in respect to the valleys of the 
Ohio and Allegheny became apparent to Governor Dinwiddle of 
Virginia shortly after Celeron's expedition in the summer of 1749. 
The French energetically seeking to ingratiate themselves with 
the Indians of this region, Governor Dinwiddle, in the summer of 
1753, sent Captain William Trent to expostulate with the French 
commander on the Ohio for his invasion of this territory. Captain 
Trent did not have the qualities necessary for a fit performance 
of his duties. He came to the Forks of the Ohio (Pittsburgh), and 
then proceeded to the Indian town of Piqua, in Ohio, where 
Christopher Gist and George Croghan had been well received 
some time before. Discovering that the French flag waved there 
and that the aspect of things on the frontier was more threatening 
than he had anticipated, Trent abandoned his purpose and re- 
turned to Virginia. 

Governor Dinwiddle then resolved upon the appointment of 
Captain Trent's successor; but it was a difficult task to find a 
person of the requisite moral and physical capacity for so respon- 
sible and dangerous an enterprise. The position was offered to 
several Virginians, by all of whom it was declined, when Din- 
widdle received an intimation that it would be accepted by 
George Washington, then a youth of twenty-one years. Wash- 
ington had recently come into possession of the fine estate of 
Mount Vernon, upon the death of his half-brother, Lawrence, 
and had, therefore, unusual temptations to avoid such a hazar- 
dous untertaking. But Washington's whole constitution was 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 145 

heroic. A constant patriot, he did not shrink from any honorable 
service, however dangerous, which he could render his country. 
He therefore accepted the appointment and, on the very day he 
received his commission, October 31st, 1753, he started on his 
dangerous journey of more than five hundred miles through the 
wilderness to deliver to St. Pierre, commander of the French 
forces on the headwaters of the Allegheny, the protest of Gover- 
nor Dinwiddie against the encroachments of the French on terri- 
tory claimed by the English. 

On November 1st, Washington arrived at Fredericksburg, 
where he arranged with Jacob Van Braam, a Dutchman, who had 
been his old fencing master and who claimed to have a knowledge 
of the French language, to be his interpreter. Washington and 
Van Braam then proceeded to Alexandria, where they procured 
a supply of provisions. Proceeding from that place to Win- 
chester, they procured baggage and horses, and from there pro- 
ceeded to Wills Creek (Cumberland, Maryland), at which place 
they arrived on November 14th. 

At Wills Creek, Washington engaged Christopher Gist, as he 
says in his journal, "to pilot us out." Gist was a surveyor, and 
during the years, 1750 and 1751, had made a journey through the 
Ohio Valley, exploring the region as the agent of the Ohio Com- 
pany. With only one companion on this journey, Gist proceeded 
through the wilderness to the Allegheny River, arriving at the 
same at Shannopin's Town, named for the Delaware chief, Shann- 
opin, a few miles above the mouth of the Monongahela. Swimming 
the Allegheny at this place, he and his companion then pro- 
ceeded to what is now the central part of Ohio, thence back to 
Virginia through the heart of Kentucky, many years before 
Daniel Boone penetrated its wilderness. It is thus seen that 
Christopher Gist was well fitted by experience in the wilderness 
"to pilot" Washington through the forests to the French forts. 

At Wills Creek, Washington hired four servants, Barnaby 
Currin and John McGuire, who were Indian traders, and Henry 
Stewart and William Jenkins. He and his companions left Wills 
Creek on November 15th, and on November 22nd, arrived at the 
cabin of John Frazer, an Indian trader, at the mouth of Turtle 
Creek. Frazer, as has been seen, had been driven away from 
Venango by the French in the summer of 1753. From Frazer's, 
Washington and Gist went overland to Shannopin's Town. 
From Shannopin's Town, they proceeded to the mouth of the 
Monongahela, where they met their baggage which had been 


brought down the Monongahela from Frazer's by the others of 
Washington's party. 

While at the mouth of the Monongahela, Washington was im- 
pressed by the desirability of the place for the erection of a fort. 
From this place, he and his companions proceeded to the site of 
the present town of McKees Rocks, where he met the Delaware 
chief, Shingas, and invited him to accompany them to Logstown, 
at which latter place they arrived on November 24th. At Logs- 
town, Washington held many conferences with Tanacharison 
and Scarouady, concerning the encroachments of the French. 
At this famous Indian town, the party was detained until Novem- 
ber 30th, on which day they set out for Venango by way of the 
Venango Indian Trail, accompanied by Tanacharison, Jeskakake, 
White Thunder, the Hunter, or Guyasuta and John Davidson, 
Indian interpreter. On December 4th, the entire party arrived 
at Venango, which Washington describes in his journal as "an 
old Indian town, situated at the mouth of French Creek, and 
Ohio, and lies north about sixty miles from Logstown, but more 
than seventy miles by the way we were obliged to go." 

At Venango, they found the French colors hoisted on the trad- 
ing house from which the French had driven the trader, John 
Frazer. Washington immediately went to this house and in- 
quired where the commander resided. There were three French 
officers present, one of whom was Captain Joncaire, who in- 
formed him that it would be necessary for him to deliver Gover- 
nor Dinwiddle's protest to the commander of Fort Le Boeuf, 
situated on the site of the present town of Waterford, Erie 
County. The French officers at Venango treated Washington 
very courteously and invited him to dine with them which in- 
vitation he accepted, and during the course of the meal, the 
officers let it be plainly known that the French were determined 
to use every means in their power to retain possession of the dis- 
puted territory. 

At this point we anticipate events somewhat by stating that, 
in April, 1754, the French erected Fort Machault at Venango 
(Franklin). The English referred to it as "the French fort at 
Venango." In 1760, after the close of the French and Indian 
War, the English erected Fort Venango near where Fort Machault 
had stood. 

Washington remained at Venango until December 7th. During 
this time, the French officers used every art in their power to 
alienate Tanacharison from the English interest. Leaving Ven- 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 147 

ango, Washington and his companions proceeded up French 
Creek to Custaloga's Town, located about twelve miles above the 
mouth of French Creek and near the mouth of Deer Creek in 
French Creek Township, Mercer County, and named for the 
Delaware chief, Custaloga. From Custaloga's Town, they went 
up French Creek to the Indian town of Cussewago, located on 
the site of Meadville, Crawford County, and thence to Fort Le- 
Boeuf (Waterford), at which place they arrived on December 
11th. The journey up French Creek was very difficult, by reason 
of rains, mires and swamps. It was impossible to cross the creek, 
"either by fording or rafting, the water was so high and rapid." 

On December 12th, Washington delivered to St. Pierre, the 
commander of Fort Le Boeuf , the protest of Governor Dinwiddie. 
This protest demanded that the French depart from the disputed 
region. St Pierre's reply was that he would transmit Governor 
Dinwiddie's protest to Marquis Duquesne, Governor of Canada, 
"to whom," he observed, "it better belongs than to me to set 
forth the evidence and reality of the rights of the King, my 
master, upon the lands situated along the river Ohio, and to 
contest the pretensions of the King of Great Britain thereto." 
St. Pierre, like the French officers at Venango, treated Washing- 
ton with courtesy, but did all in his power to alienate Tanachari- 
son and the other Indians from the English interest. He gave 
them liquor and presents. Commenting on the efforts of the 
commander and his officers, Washington says in his journal: 
"I can not say that ever in my life I suffered so much anxiety as I 
did in this affair." Under this terrible strain, Washington re- 
mained alert and carefully observed that the fort was garrisoned 
by more than one hundred men and officers and that there were 
two hundred and twenty canoes in readiness, and many more in 
process of being built, for the purpose of conveying the French 
forces down the river in the spring. 

Having received St. Pierre's reply, Washington and his com- 
panions left Fort Le Boeuf on December 16th, and arrived at 
Venango on December 22nd, after "a tedious and very fatiguing 
passage down the creek." The next day, all of Washington's 
party except Tanacharison and White Thunder started from 
Venango by the same route which they had followed in the 
journey from Logstown to that place. White Thunder was sick 
and unable to walk, and so Tanacharison took him down the 
Allegheny in a canoe. After Washington and his companions 
had journied three days on the way south, the horses became 


weak, feeble and almost unable to travel. Accordingly, on 
December 26th, Washington and Gist proceeded ahead on foot, 
leaving the rest of the party to follow by easy stages with Van 
Bream in charge of the horses and baggage. 

Indian Attempts to Kill Washington 

On the evening of December 27th, an incident occurred in 
Washington's journey back to Virginia that has world wide 
publicity. We refer to the attempt of a hostile Indian to kill 
him. The exact location of this attempt to kill the future Father 
of his Country will remain forever unknown, but the approximate 
location is a few miles from Evans City, Butler County. We shall 
let Washington relate the incident in his own words as he wrote 
them in his journal: 

"The day following [December 27th], just after we had passed a 
place called Murdering Town (where we intended to quit the 
path and steer across the country for Shanapin's Town), we fell 
in with a party of French Indians, who had laid in wait for us. 
One of them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not fifteen steps off, but 
fortunately missed. We took this fellow into custody, and kept 
him until about nine o'clock at night, then let him go, and walked 
all the remaining part of the night, without making any stop, 
that we might get the start so far as to be out of reach of their 
pursuit the next day, since we were assured they would follow our 
track as soon as it was light. The next day we continued travel- 
ling until quite dark, and got to the river [Allegheny] about two 
miles above Shahapins." 

Christopher Gist, in his journal, describes the attack on Wash- 
ington in more detail. He says that he and Washington met this 
Indian at Murdering Town, and believed that they had seen him 
at Venango. The Indian called Gist by the latter's Indian name 
and pretended to be very friendly. After some conversation with 
the Indian, Washington and Gist asked him to accompany them 
and show them the nearest way to Shannopin's Town. The 
Indian seemed very glad to accompany them. He led the way 
from Murdering Town, but seemed to take a course too much to 
the north-east, which caused both Washington and Gist to mis- 
trust him. Finally, when they came to a snow-covered meadow, 
the Indian suddenly turned and fired at Washington. He was 
immediately seized and disarmed before he could re-load his 
rifle. Gist wanted to kill him on the spot, but Washington would 

The statue represents him in the act of delivering the protest of Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddle to St. Pierre. 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 149 

not permit him to do so. After he was kept in custody until late 
in the evening, they let him go. Says Gist: "He was glad to get 
away. I followed him and listened until he was fairly out of the 
way, and then we set out about half a mile, when we made a fire, 
set our compass, and fixed our course, and travelled all night." 

For many years, the author felt that a suitable monument 
should be erected to mark the approximate spot where the hostile 
Indian attempted to take the life of Washington. During the 
year 1924, he wrote several articles for the "Butler Eagle,'' 
Butler, Pennsylvania, in an effort to arouse interest in the work 
he had in mind. These appeals through the newspaper brought 
results. A committee, consisting of Hon. A. E. Reiber, Captain 
James A, McKee, and the author, erected such monument in the 
autumn of 1924, and on July 3rd, 1925, it was unveiled with ap- 
propriate exercises. The author had the honor of delivering the 
historical address on this occasion. 

At this point, the author asks that the reader indulge him in 
making the statement that he traces his love for the history of 
Pennsylvania to the story of the attack on Washington by the 
hostile Indian on that December evening of 1753, told him under 
the following circumstances: On the farm on which he was 
reared in Armstrong County, the ancestral home of his paternal 
ancestors since 1795, is a high hill, commanding a majestic sweep 
of the horizon in all directions. To the eastward, the blue out- 
line of the Chestnut Ridge can be seen, on a clear day, almost 
fifty miles away, while to the westward are the undulating hills of 
Butler County. One of his earliest recollections is that of his 
accompanying his revered mother to this hilltop on summer 
evenings and, with her, watching the sun set in floods of gorgeous 
and golden beauty behind the western hills. On those occasions 
she told him that the western region, where the sun was setting, 
was Butler County, and that it was in this county where George 
Washington was shot at by a hostile Indian in the dead of winter 
and in the depth of the forest. The author shall always cherish 
the recollection of those summer evenings, when, as a child in 
company with his mother in the grace and beauty of her young 
womanhood, he watched those golden sunsets bathe the Butler 
County hills in glory, and in his fancy, pictured the region of the 
sunset as an enchanted land, inhabited by the ghosts and shadows 
of the past and hallowed by the footsteps of Washington. 

Students of the life of Washington are familiar with the fact 
that, in crossing the Allegheny on his journey back to Virginia, 


Washington was almost drowned in its icy waters. He and Gist 
were crossing the stream on a raft which they had made. Wash- 
ington thrust out his pole to propel the raft, but it was caught 
between blocks of ice with such force as to throw him into the 
water. Swimming to an island near the Washington Crossing 
Bridge in the city of Pittsburgh, Washington almost froze to 
death during the terrible night. This incident took place on 
December 29th. 

On December 30th, Washington and Gist arrived at John 
Frazer's cabin, at Turtle Creek. The next day, they paid a visit to 
Queen Allaquippa, who was then residing where McKeesport 
now stands. Washington presented her with a coat and a bottle 
of rum, "which latter," he said, "was thought much the best 
present of the two." 

On January 2nd, 1754, Washington and Gist arrived at the 
latter's plantation near Mount Braddock, Fayette County, where 
some Virginia families had settled at least as early as the spring 
of 1753, On January 6th, they arrived at Wills Creek. On the 
same day, they "met seventeen horses loaded with materials and 
stores for a fort at the Forks of the Ohio, and the day after, some 
families going out to settle." Washington arrived at Williams- 
burg, then the capital of Virginia, on January 16th, and delivered 
St. Pierre's reply. 

The war between the Iroquois and the Cherokees and Catawbas 
was being carried on during the winter of 1753 and 1754, accord- 
ing to the following statement in Washington's journal, under 
date of December 30th or 31st, 1753: 

"We met here [at Frazer's, at the mouth of Turtle Creek, on 
the Monongahela] with twenty warriors, who were going to the 
southward to war; but coming to a place on the head of the Great 
Kanawha, where they found seven people killed and scalped, (all 
but one woman with very light hair) they turned about and ran 
back for fear the inhabitants should rise and take them as the 
authors of the murder. They report that the bodies were lying 
about the house, and some of them much torn and eaten by the 
hogs. By the marks which were left, they say they were French 
Indians of the Ottoway nation, and who did it." 

The author has narrated Washington's mission rather fully 
on account of its historical importance and for the reason that 
Pennsylvanians should know the details of the perils which the 
youthful Washington encountered on Pennsylvania soil in his haz- 
ardous journey through the wilderness. As a closing statement, 

INDIAN EVENTS FROM 1701 TO 1754 151 

attention is called to the fact that Washington's journal, which 
was widely published in both England and America, reciting his 
experiences and giving information of vital import as to the plans 
for the French for occupying the valleys of the Ohio and Alle- 
gheny, made him an outstanding figure in the Colonies. 

Clash of Arms About to Begin 

This chapter has been devoted to a narration of the leading 
events in the Indian history of Pennsylvania from the departure 
of William Penn, in 1701, to the opening of the French and Indian 
War, the author's purpose being to prepare the reader for a study 
of the events about to be related. In the next chapter, we shall 
see the breaking of the storm which had long been gathering 
over the waters of the Ohio. 


Opening of the French and 
Indian War 

The French Occupy the Forks of the Ohio 

IN January, 1754, George Croghan and Andrew Montour were 
sent to Logstown by Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania, to 
ascertain from Tanacharison and Scarouady a full account of the 
activities of the French in the valleys of the Allegheny and Ohio, 
the attitude of the Western Indians, and what assistance in the 
way of arms and ammunition Virginia had given these Indians. 
Croghan and Montour found some French soldiers at Logstown, 
and most of the Indians drunk. John Patten, a trader, who ac- 
companied Croghan and Montour, was captured by the French, 
but Tanacharison caused his release. The Pennsylvania emissaries 
remained at Logstown until February 2nd. They found the In- 
dians determined to resist the French. A few days before they 
left, Tanacharison, Scarouady, and Shingas addressed a speech to 
Governor Hamilton in which they said: "We now request that 
our brother, the Governor of Virginia, may build a strong house 
at the Forks of the Mohongialo [Monongahela], and send some of 
our young brethren, the warriors, to live in it. And we expect 
our brother of Pennsylvania will build another house somewhere 
on the river, where he shall think proper, where whatever assis- 
tance he will think proper to send us may be kept for us, as our 
enemies are just at hand, and we do not know what day they may 
come upon us." 

On February 20th, Andrew Montour was closely examined by 
Governor Hamilton and the Pennsylvania Assembly as to the 
location of Shannopin's Town, Logstown and Venango. Montour 
proved that these towns were all within the limits of the Province 
of Pennsylvania; but the Assembly decided that the encroach- 
ments of the French on the Ohio and Allegheny did not concern 
Pennsylvania any more than they did Virginia. In the mean- 


time, Governor Dinwiddie, of Virginia, commissioned Captain 
William Trent to raise a force of one hundred men and proceed to 
the Forks of the Ohio to erect a fort at that place. Trent raised 
a force of seventy men and at once proceeded to Cumberland, 
Maryland; thence along the Nemacolin Indian Trail to Gist's 
Plantation (Mount Braddock, Fayette County, Pa.); thence by 
the Redstone trail to the mouth of that creek, where he built a 
storehouse; thence to the Forks of the Ohio. He arrived at the 
Forks of the Ohio on February 17th, and immediately began the 
erection of a fort, called Fort Trent. As Washington was return- 
ing to Virginia from his mission to St. Pierre, he met part of the 
Virginia force, the company consisting of Captain Trent, Lieu- 
tenant John Frazer (the former trader at Venango and the mouth 
of Turtle Creek) and Edward Ward, ensign.* 

After the work of erecting Fort Trent was well started, Captain 
Trent returned to Will's Creek (Cumberland, Maryland), leaving 
Ensign Edward Ward, a half-brother of George Croghan, in com- 
mand. The French on the upper Allegheny were promptly 
warned of the arrival of Trent's forces, and with the opening of 
spring, marshalled their forces, to the number of about one 
thousand, including French-Canadians and Indians of various 
tribes, with eighteen cannon, in all a flotilla of about sixty 
battaux and three hundred canoes, and descended the Allegheny 
from Le Boeuff and Venango. The French forces arrived at the 
Forks of the Ohio on the evening of the 16th of April, under com- 
mand of Captain Contrecoeur. Planting his artillery, Contre- 
coeur sent Chevalier Le Mercier, Captain of the artillery of 
Canada, with a summons to Ensign Ward, demanding immediate 
surrender. This was the first overt act of war on the part of the 
French, in the conflict known as the French and Indian War. 

Ward thus found himself surrounded by a force of one thous- 
and French and Indians with the fort still uncompleted. Lieu- 
tenant Frazer was at his house at Turtle Creek at the time. 

The Half King, Tanacharison, was present, and advised En- 
sign Ward to reply to the demand of Contrecoeur that he was not 
an officer of rank to answer the demand, and to request a delay 
until he could send for his superior in command. Contrecoeur, 
however, refused to parley; whereupon. Ward, having less than 
forty men, and, therefore, being utterly unable to resist the oppos- 
ing force, prudently surrendered the half-finished stockade with- 
out further hesitation. 

Contrecoeur, upon the surrender of Ward, treated him with 

*The Ohio Company had intended to erect a fort at the mouth of Chartiers Creek, where 
McKees Rocks, Allegheny County, now stands. 


the utmost politeness, invited him to sup with him, and wished 
him a pleasant journey back to Virginia. The French commander 
permitted him to withdraw his men, and take his tools with him; 
and on the next morning, he started on his return to Virginia 
going up the Monongahela to the mouth of Redstone Creek 
(Brownsville, Fayette County), where the Ohio Company had a 
stockade, erected by Trent on his way to the Ohio Valley. George 
Croghan, about the time Trent began erecting the fort at the 
Forks of the Ohio, had contracted with the Ohio Company to 
furnish provisions for Trent's forces, valued at five hundred 
pounds, from the back parts of Pennsylvania; and half of these 
were on their way to the Ohio when Contrecoeur captured the 

The French then took possession of the half-finished fort, 
completed it early in June, and named it Fort Dusquesne, in 
honor of Marquis DuQuesne, then the Gdvernor-General of 
Canada, In the meantime, the French destroyed Croghan's 
trading house at Logstown, taking 20,000 pounds of skins and 

Washington's Campaign of 1754 

While Captain William Trent was engaged in the work of 
erecting a fort at the Forks of the Ohio, in the early part of 1754, 
Colonel Joshua Fry, with George Washington second in com- 
mand, was raising troops in Virginia to garrison the fort Trent 
was building. On April 2nd, Washington, with the rank of 
Lieutenant-Colonel, marched from Alexandria, Virginia, with a 
detachment of two companies of infantry, commanded by Cap- 
tain Peter Hogg and Lieutenant Jacob Van Braam, the latter 
being Washington's interpreter on his mission to the French in 
the latter part of 1753. About fifteen days later, he was joined 
by Captain Stephen with a company of men. On April 20th, 
Washington's forces reached Old Town, Maryland and received 
information of the surrender of Ensign Ward at the Forks of the 
Ohio. On April 22nd, Washington reached Will's Creek, where 
he met Ward and learned the details of his surrender. On April 
23d, a council of war was held at Will's Creek, at which it was 
agreed that it would be impossible to march to the Forks of the 
Ohio without reinforcements, but that it would be proper to 
advance as far as Redstone Creek, on the Monongahela, about 
thirty-seven miles this side of the fort [Fort Duquesne], and there 
to raise a fortification, "clearing a road wide enough to pass with 


all our artillery and baggage, and there to await for fresh orders." 
At Redstone [Brownsville, Fayette County, Pa.], a storehouse 
had been erected, as we have already seen, by Captain William 
Trent when on his way to the Forks of the Ohio. Here Washing- 
ton's cannon and ammunition could be stored until reinforce- 
ments should arrive. From Will's Creek, Washington sent En- 
sign Ward to report to Governor Dinwiddie and a runner to 
notify Tanacharison, the Half King, of his intention to advance 
to Redstone with his force of one hundred and fifty men. 

Let us now follow Washington as he advances into Pennsyl- 
vania over the Nemacolin Indian Trail, in the first military 
campaign of his illustrious career. On April 25th, he sent a de- 
tachment of sixty men to open the road towards Redstone, which 
detachment was joined by the main body on May 1st. On May 
9th, Washington's forces reached the Little Crossings (Grants- 
ville.Md.), having crossed over Will's Mountain, Dan's Mountain, 
Big Savage Mountain, Little Savage Mountain and Meadow 
Mountain. On May 11th, Washington sent out a scouting party 
from the Little Crossings, in command of Captain Stephen and 
Ensign Peyronie, with instructions to advance along the line of 
march as far as Gist's Plantation (Mount Braddock, Fayette 
County) in an effort to discover scouting parties of the French. 
On May 12th, Washington's forces left the Little Crossings, 
fording the Castleman River, and, on the same day, the com- 
mander received word that Colonel Fry was at Winchester, 
Virginia, with about one hundred and fifty men, and would join 
him in a few days; also that Colonel Innis would soon join him 
with three hundred and fifty men. On May 16th, two traders, 
fleeing from the French, who had been seen near Gist's Plantation, 
joined Washington's forces, while, on May 17th, Ensign Ward 
returned from Williamsburg, Virginia, with the word that Captain 
Mackay, with an Independent Company of one hundred and 
fifty men, was on his way to join the forces of the future Father 
of his Country. 

On May 18th, Washington and his troops reached the Great 
Crossings of the Youghiogheny, at Somerfield, Somerset County, 
Pennsylvania. Here they were obliged to remain several days 
on account of the swollen condition of the river. Washington had 
been told by the two traders, above mentioned, that it was not 
practicable to open a road to Redstone. Therefore, while at the 
Great Crossings, he determined to examine the Youghiogheny to 
ascertain whether or not guns and baggage could be transported 


down this stream; and, on May 20th, with four white men and 
an Indian, he went down the river in a canoe as far as Ohiopyle 
Falls, in Fayette County, and found the stream too rocky and 
rapid for navigation. On May 21st, he returned to Turkey Foot 
(Confluence, Somerset County), where he seems to have had an 
intention of building a fort. From Turkey Foot, Washington 
returned to his camp at the Great Crossings, from which place 
he led his forces to the Great Meadows, situated along the Na- 
tional Pike, a few miles east of the Summit, in Fayette County, 
arriving there on the afternoon of May 24th. "I hurried to this 
place," says Washington, "as a convenient spot. We have, with 
nature's assistance, made a good entrenchment, and by clearing 
the bushes out of the meadows, prepared a charming field for an 
encounter." Also, on May 24th, two Indian runners came to 
Washington from the Ohio, with a message from Tanacharison, 
informing him that the French had marched from Fort Duquesne 
to meet the Virginians and that Tanacharison would soon join 
him with other Indian chiefs from the Ohio region. 

Also, on the afternoon of May 24th, a trader came to the Great 
Meadows with the information that he had been at Gist's Planta- 
tion the evening before, had seen two Frenchmen there, and had 
heard that French troops were near Stewart's Crossing, now 
Connellsville, Fayette County. The next day, Washington sent 
out several scouting parties from the Great Meadows to examine 
the woods, the road leading to Gist's Plantation and the sur- 
rounding region, in an effort to locate the French force. The 
scouts returned the same evening without having located the 

Christopher Gist visited Washington's camp at the Great 
Meadows early in the morning of May 27th, coming from his 
plantation at Mount Braddock, thirteen miles distant, and re- 
porting that on May 26th, M. La Force, with fifty French soldiers 
had been at his plantation the day before, and that on his way to 
Washington's camp, he had seen the tracks of the same party only 
five miles from the encampment at the Great Meadows. Tan- 
acharison, with a number of his warriors was but six miles from 
the Great Meadows, and a little after eight o'clock on the night 
of the same day, May 27th, he sent Washington intelligence that 
he had seen the tracks of Frenchmen, and had traced them to an 
obscure retreat. Washington feared that this might be a strata- 
gem of the French for attacking his camp, and so, placing his 
ammunition in a place of safety and leaving a strong guard to 


protect it, he set out before ten o'clock with a band of soldiers, 
and reached Tanacharison's camp a little before sunrise, march- 
ing through a heavy rain, a night of intense darkness and the 
obstacles offered by an almost impenetrable forest. In a letter 
to Governor Dinwiddle, he says: "We were frequently tumbled 
over one another, and often so lost that fifteen or twenty minutes' 
search would not find the path again." 

Just a word, at this point, as to the number of soldiers Wash- 
ington had with him on this night march through the forest. 
Most historians have placed the number as forty, but Washing- 
ton's notes indicate that he left forty soldiers to guard the camp 
at the Great Meadows and took the rest of his force with him. 
It will be recalled that his whole force, at that time, consisted 
of one hundred and fifty men. 

Tanacharison Helps Washington Fight First 
Battle of His Career 

At early dawn (May 28th), Washington held a council with 
Tanacharison at the latter's camp, which was near a spring, now 
known as Washington's Spring, about two miles north of the 
Summit on the old National Pike, near Uniontown; and it was 
agreed at this council to unite in an attack upon the French, 
Washington's forces to be on the right and Tanacharison's war- 
riors on the left. The French were soon traced to an almost in- 
accessible rocky glen in the Allegheny Mountains, about three 
miles north of the Summit. The forces of Washington and Tan- 
acharison advanced until they came so near as to be discovered 
by the French, who instantly ran to their arms. The firing con- 
tinued on both sides for about fifteen minutes, when the French 
were defeated with the loss of their whole party, ten of whom 
(some authorities say twelve), including their commander, M. de 
Jumonville, were killed, one wounded, and twenty-one taken 
prisoners. Of the prisoners, the two most important were an 
officer named Drouillon, and the redoubtable LaForce. The 
prisoners were marched to the Great Meadows, and from there 
sent over the mountains to Virginia. Of Washington's party, 
only one was killed, and two or three were wounded. Tanachari- 
son's warriors sustained no loss, as the fire of the French was 
aimed exclusively at Washington and his soldiers. 

It is said that Washington fired the first shot in this skirmish, 
the opening conflict of the French and Indian War. Jumonville 


was buried where he fell, and a tablet marks the spot where his 
remains lie. The warriors of Tanacharison and Scarouady 
scalped the dead Frenchmen, and sent their scalps and a string of 
black wampum to the tribes on the Ohio, with the request that 
they take up arms against the French. The scene of this en- 
counter, the first battle of Washington's illustrious career and an 
event that changed the course of modern history, is almost as wild 
and primitive as it was on that fateful morning of the 28th day of 
May, 1754. 

At a council held at Philadelphia on December 19th, 1754, be- 
tween Governor Morris of Pennsylvania, and Scarouady, Jagrea, 
a Mowhawk, and Aroas, a Seneca, the said Scarouady gave the 
following account of events leading up to the fight with Jumon- 
ville and the part that the Indian allies took in the same: 

"This belt [holding up a belt of wampum] was sent by the 
Governor of Virginia and delivered by Captain Trent. You see 
in it the representation of an hatchet. It was an invitation to us 
to join with and assist our brethren to repel the French from the 
Ohio. At the time it was given, there were but four or five of us, 
and we were all that knew any thing about the matter; when we 
got it, we put it into a private pocket on the inside of our garment. 
It lay next to our breasts. 

"As we were on the road going to Council with our brethren, a 
company of French, in number thirty-one, overtook us and desired 
us to go and council with them ; and when we refused, they pulled 
us by the arm and almost stripped the chain of covenant from off 
it, but still I would suffer none to go with them. We thought to 
have got before them, but they passed us; and when we saw they 
endeavored to break the chain of friendship, I pulled this belt out 
of my pocket and looked at it and saw there this hatchet, and then 
went and told Colonel Washington of these thirty-one French 
Men, and we and a few of our brothers fought with them. Ten 
were killed, and twenty-one were taken alive whom we delivered 
to Colonel Washington, telling him that we had blooded the edge 
of his hatchet a little." 

John Davidson, the Indian trader, acted as interpreter, at the 
above council. He was in the action, and gave Governor Morris 
the following account of the same : 

"There were but eight Indians, who did most of the execution 
that was done. Colonel Washington and the Half King [Tana- 
charison] differed much in judgment, and on the Colonel's re- 
fusing to take his advice, the English and Indians separated. 


After which the Indians discovered the French in an hollow and 
hid themselves, lying on their bellies behind a hill ; afterwards they 
discovered Colonel Washington on the opposite side of the hollow 
in the gray of the morning, and when the English fired, which 
they did in great confusion, the Indians came out of their cover 
and closed with the French and killed them with their toma- 
hawks, on which the French surrendered." 

In writing to his brother, John Augustine, Washington, refer- 
ring to the engagement with Jumonville said: 

"I have heard the bullets whistle, and believe me, there is 
something charming in the sound." 

This remark was reported later to George the Second, King of 
England, who commented: "He would not say so if he had been 
used to hearing many. 

Washington Gives Tanacharison an English Name 

Two days after the death of Jumonville, Colonel Fry died at 
the camp at Will's Creek on his way to join the army, and the 
chief command now devolved upon Colonel Washington. Wash- 
ington immediately commenced enlarging the intrenchment at 
the Great Meadows, and erecting palisades, anticipating an at- 
tack from the French. The palisaded fort at the Great Meadows 
having been completed, Washington's forces were augmented to 
three hundred by the arrival from Will's Creek of the forces which 
had been under Colonel Fry. With these was the surgeon of the 
regiment. Dr. James Craik, a Scotchman by birth, who was 
destined to be a faithful friend of Washington throughout the 
remainder of his life, and was present at his bedside, when he 
closed his eyes in death within the hallowed walls of his beloved 
Mount Vernon. 

On the 9th of June, Washington's early instructor. Adjutant 
Muse, George Croghan and Andrew Montour, then Provincial 
Captain, arrived at the Great Meadows with reinforcements, 
powder and ball. Adjutant Muse brought with him a belt of 
wampum, and a speech from Governor Dinwiddle to Tanachari- 
son, with medals and presents for the Indians under his com- 
mand. Says Washington Irving in his classic "Life of Washing- 
ton " : ' 'They were distributed with that grand ceremonial so dear 
to the Red Man. The chiefs assembled, painted and decorated 
in all their savage finery. Washington wore a medal sent to him 
by the Governor for such occasions. The wampum and speech 


having been delivered, he advanced, and, with all due solemnity, 
decorated the chiefs and the warriors with the medals, which they 
were to wear in remembrance of their father, the King of Eng- 
land." Among the warriors thus decorated, was Canachquasy, 
the son of old Queen Allaquippa, who, with her son, had arrived 
at the Great Meadows on June 1st. Upon his decoration 
Canachquasy was given the English name of Lord Fairfax. Tana- 
charison was given the English name of Dinwiddle on this occa- 
sion, and returned the compliment by giving Washington the 
Indian name of Connotaucarius. 

On the 10th day of June, Washington wrote Governor Dinwid- 
dle from the camp at the Great Meadows, concerning the decora- 
tion of Canachquasy, as follows: 

"Queen Allaquippa desired that her son, who was really a great 
warrior, might be taken into Council, as she was declining and 
unfit for business; and that he should have an English name given 
him. I therefore called the Indians together by the advice of the 
Half-King, presented one of the medals, and desired him to wear 
it in remembrance of his great father, the King of England ; and 
called him by the name of Colonel Fairfax, which he was told 
signified 'the First in Council.' This gave him great pleasure." 

At the end of the ceremonies of giving English names to Tana- 
charison and Canachquasy, Washington read the morning service 
of the Episcopal Church. Dr. James Craik, who was present, 
said, in a letter home, that the Indians "believed he was making 

Washington Advances to Gist's Plantation 

On the 10th of June, there was great agitation in the camp at 
the Great Meadows over the report that a party of ninety French- 
men were approaching, which report was later found to be in- 
correct. On the same day, Captain Mackay of the Royal Army, 
in command of an independent company of one hundred riflemen 
from South Carolina, arrived at the Great Meadows, increasing 
Washington's forces to about four hundred men. The arrival of 
these forces encouraged Washington. He now hoped to capture 
Fort Duquesne, and selected Mount Braddock as his battle 
ground. Leaving one company under Captain Mackay to guard 
the fort, Washington pushed on over the Laurel Hill as far as 
Christopher Gist's Plantation at Mount Braddock, near Connells- 
ville, Fayette County. So difficult was the passage over Laurel 
Hill that it took approximately two weeks for Washington's 


forces to reach Gist's plantation from Great Meadows, a distance 
of thirteen miles. Washington's Indian allies Tanacharison, Sca- 
rouady and others, refused to accompany him as far as Gist's, and 
returned to the Great Meadows. The trouble was that Washing- 
ton and Tanacharison could not agree as to the method of con- 
ducting the campaign. On the 27th of June, Washington had sent 
a party of seventy men under Captain Lewis to clear a road from 
Gist's to the mouth of the Redstone (Brownsville), and another 
party under Captain Poison was, on the same day, sent ahead to 

While these movements of Washington's forces were taking 
place, a force of five hundred French and some Indians, after- 
wards augmented to about four hundred, left Fort Duquesne on 
the 28th of June to attack Washington, the French being com- 
manded by M. DeVilliers, a half-brother of Jumonville, who it is 
said, sought the command from Contrecoeur as a special favor 
that he might avenge his half-brother's "assassination." This 
force went up the Monongahela in large canoes, and on the 30th 
of June, reached the mouth of Redstone, and encamped on the 
rising ground about half a mile from the stockade, which, it will 
be recalled. Captain Trent had erected during the preceding 
winter as a storehouse for the Ohio Company. M. DeVilliers 
described it as "a sort of fort built of logs, one upon another, well 
notched in, about thirty feet long and twenty feet wide." 

While at the mouth of the Redstone, M. DeVilliers learned 
that Washington's forces were entrenching themselves at Gist's 
plantation. He thereupon disencumbered himself of all his heavy 
stores, and leaving a sergeant and a few men to guard the boats, 
pushed on in the night, cheered by the hope that he was about to 
capture the forces of Washington. Arriving at Gist's Plantation 
in the early morning of July 2nd, he saw the intrenchments which 
Washington had there begun to erect, at once invested them, and 
fired a general volley. No response came from the intrenchments ; 
for the prey had escaped. However, at Mr. Gist's house, some 
Indians with the French captured Elizabeth Williams and three 
of James Lowrey's traders, named Andrew McBriar, John Ken- 
nedy and Nehemiah Stevens. (Pa. Col. Rec. Vol. 6, pages 142- 
143.) M. DeVilliers was then about to retrace his steps, when a 
deserter named Barnabas Devan, coming from the Great Mea- 
dows, disclosed to him the whereabouts and the half-famished 
condition of Washington's forces. Having made a prisoner of the 
deserter with a promise to reward or hang him after proving his 


story true or untrue, M. DeVilliers continued the pursuit. While 
he is pursuing Washington, we will relate how the latter's forces 
escaped capture. 

At Gist's Plantation, on June 28th, Washington held a council 
of war, upon receipt of intelligence that the French in large num- 
bers, accompanied by many Indians, were marching against him. 
At this council, it was resolved to send a message to Captain 
Mackay, who was then at the Great Meadows, desiring him to 
join Washington at once, and also to call in Captain Lewis and 
Captain Poison, who, as we have seen, had been sent forward to 
cut the road from Gist's to Redstone, and to reconnoiter. Captain 
Mackay and his company arrived on the evening of the 28th, and 
the foraging parties on the morning of the 29th, when a second 
council of war was held, and it was decided to retreat as speedily as 
possible. In order to expedite the retreat to the Great Meadows, 
Washington impressed the pack-horses of George Croghan, who 
had been furnishing flour and ammunition for the Virginians. 

Washington Surrenders at Fort Necessity 

The troops, with great difificulty, succeeded in retreating to 
the Great Meadows. Here they halted on July 1st. The suffer- 
ing among Washington's forces was great. For eight days they 
had no bread, and had taken little of any other food. It was not 
the intention of Washington at first to halt at this place, but his 
men had become so fatigued from great labor and hunger that 
they could draw the swivels no further. Here, then, it was re- 
solved to make a stand. Trees were felled, and a log breastwork 
was raised at the fort, in order to strengthen it in the best manner 
that the circumstances would permit. Washington now named 
the stockade "Fort Necessity" from the circumstances attending 
its erection. At this critical juncture, many of Washington's 
Indian allies, under Tanacharison, deserted him, being dis- 
heartened at the scant preparations of defense against the superior 
force, and offended at being subject to military command. On 
July 2nd, Washington received information that the French were 
at Gist's Plantation. 

Early on the morning of July 3rd an alarm was received from 
a sentinel, who had been wounded by the enemy, and, at nine 
o'clock, word was received that the whole body of the French and 
Indian allies amounting, as some authorities say, to nine hundred 
men, was only four miles off. Before noon, distant firing was 


heard, and the enemy reached a woods about a third of a mile 
from the fort. Washington had drawn his men up on the open 
and level ground outside the trenches, and waited for the attack, 
which he thought would be as soon as the enemy emerged from 
the woods ; and he ordered his troops to reserve their fire until they 
should be near enough to do execution. The French did not in- 
cline to leave the woods and to attack the fort by assault. Wash- 
ington then drew his men back within the trenches, and gave 
them orders to fire at their discretion, as suitable opportunities 
might present themselves. The enemy remained on the side of 
the rising ground next to the fort, and were sheltered by the trees. 
They kept up a brisk fire of musketry, but never appeared in 
open view. In the meantime, rain was falling in torrents, the 
trenches were filled with water, and many of the arms of Wash- 
ington's men were out of order. Until eight o'clock at night — 
the rain falling without intermission — both parties kept up a 
desultory fire, the action having started at about eleven o'clock 
in the morning. By that time, the French had killed all the 
horses and cattle at the fort. 

At eight o'clock at night, the French requested a parley, but 
Washington, suspecting this to be a feint to procure the admission 
of an officer into the fort to discover his condition, declined. They 
repeated their request with the additional request than an officer 
might be sent to them, they guaranteeing his safety. Washington 
then sent Captain Jacob Van Braam, the only person under his 
command who understood the French language, with the excep- 
tion of Chevalier de Peyrouny, an Ensign in the Virginia regi- 
ment, who was dangerously wounded. Van Braam returned and 
brought with him from M. DeVilliers, the French commander, 
the proposed articles of capitulation. Villiers was a half-brother 
of the ill-fated Jumonville. Owing to the overpowering number 
of the enemy, Washington decided to come to terms. After a 
notification of the proposed articles, he consented to leave the 
fort the next morning, July 4, 1754, but was to leave it with the 
honors of war, and with the understanding that he should sur- 
render nothing but the artillery. 

French Accuse Washington of Having 
Assassinated Jumonville 

Considerable dissatisfaction was expressed with regard to 
several of the articles of capitulation when they were made public. 


One of these was an article, by consenting to which Washington 
virtually admitted that Jumonville had been "assassinated" in 
the action of May 28th. Another was an article, by consenting 
to which, Washington virtually admitted the validity of the 
French claim to the Ohio Valley. M. De Villiers, the com- 
mandant of the French forces, in his account of the march from 
Fort Duquesne and the affair at the Great Meadows said, "We 
made the English consent to sign that they had assassinated my 
brother in his camp." A copy of the capitulation was subse- 
quently laid before the House of Burgesses of Virginia, with ex- 
planations. The conduct of Washington and his officers was pro- 
perly appreciated, and they received a vote of thanks for their 
gallant defense of their country. However, from this vote of 
thanks, two officers were excepted — Major Muse, who was 
charged with cowardice, and Captain Jacob VanBraam, who was 
accused of treachery in purposely misinterpreting the articles of 
capitulation. The truth is that Washington had been greatly 
deceived by VanBraam, through either ignorance or design. An 
officer of his regiment, who was present at the reading and signing 
of the articles of capitulation, wrote a letter to a friend, in which 
he discusses the true intent and meaning of the articles and of 
their bungling translation by VanBraam, as follows: 

"When Mr. VanBraam returned with the French proposals, we 
were obliged to take the sense of them from his mouth; it rained 
so hard that he could not give us a written translation of them; 
we could scarcely keep the candle lighted to read them by; and 
every officer there is ready to declare that there was no such word 
as 'assassination' mentioned. The terms expressed were 'the 
death of Jumonville.' If it had been mentioned, we would by all 
means have had it altered, as the French, during the course of 
the interview, seemed very condescending and desirous to bring 
things to a conclusion ; and, upon our insisting, altered the articles 
relating to the stores and ammunition, which they wanted to de- 
tain; and that of the cannon, which they agreed to have 'de- 
stroyed,' instead of 'reserved for their use.' 

"Another article, which appears to our disadvantage, is that 
whereby we oblige ourselves not to attempt an establishment be- 
yond the mountains. This was translated to us, not 'to attempt' 
buildings or 'improvements on the lands of his most Christian 
Majesty.' This we never intended, as we denied he had any 
there, and therefore thought it needless to dispute this point. 

"The last article, which relates to the hostages, is quite dif- 


ferent from the translation of it given to us. It is mentioned 'for 
the security of the performance of this treaty,' as well as for the 
return of the prisoners. There was never such an intention on our 
side, or mention of it made on theirs, by our interpreter. Thus, by 
the evil intention or negligence of VanBraam, our conduct is 
scrutinized by a busy world, fond of criticizing the proceedings of 
others, without considering circumstances, or giving just atten- 
tion to reasons which might be offered to obviate their censures. 

"VanBraam was a Dutchman, and had but an imperfect 
knowledge of either the French or English language. How far his 
ignorance should be taken as an apology for his blunders, is uncer- 
tain. Although he had proved himself a good officer, yet there 
were other circumstances, which brought his fidelity in question. 
Governor Dinwiddie, in giving an account of this affair to Lord 
Albermarle says: 'In the capitulation they made use of the word 
'assassination,' but Washington, not understanding French, was 
deceived by the interpreter, who was a paltroon, and though an 
officer with us, they say he has joined the French." 

Also, Washington expressed himself on Van Braam's transla- 
tion, as follows: 

"That we were willfully or ignorantly deceived by out inter- 
preter in regard to the word 'assassination,' I do aver and will to 
my dying moment; so will every officer who was present. The in- 
terpreter was a Dutchman little acquainted with the English 
tongue, and therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning 
of the word in English ; but whatever his motives were for so doing, 
certain it is he called it the 'death' or the 'loss' of the Sieur Jumon- 
ville. So we received and so we understood it until, to our great 
surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal trans- 

Washington Marches Out With Honors of War 

On the morning of July 4th, Washington and his forces marched 
out of the Fort with the honors of war, taking with them their 
regimental colors, but leaving behind a large flag, too cumberous 
to be transported. His forces set out for Will's Creek, but had 
scarcely left the Great Meadows when they encountered one 
hundred Indian allies of the French, who, in defiance of the terms 
of capitulation, began plundering the baggage, and committing 
other irregularities. Seeing that the French did not or could not 
prevent their Indian allies, Washington's men destroyed their 


powder and other stores, including even their private baggage, to 
prevent its falling into the hands of the Indians. M. DeVilliers 
sent a detachment to take possession of the fort as soon as Wash- 
ington's forces defiled therefrom. Washington's regiment left 
twelve dead on the ground, and the number left by Captain 
Mackay's company is not known. DeVillier said that the number 
of dead excited his pity. He reported that the "English have had 
70 or 80 men killed or mortally wounded, and many others 
slightly," that two French-Canadians were killed and seventy 
wounded, and that two Indian allies of the French were wounded. 
(Pa. Archives, Sec. Series, Vol. 6, pages 168-170.) 

Thus ended the affair at the Great Meadows, Washington's 
first and last surrender. On reaching Will's Creek, where his 
half-famished troops found ample provisions in the military 
magazine, he hastened with Captain Mackay, to Governor Din- 
widdle, at Williamsburg, whom they particularly informed of the 
events of their expedition. Washington soon thereafter resigned 
his commission, and retired to private life at Mount Vernon. His 
first act, after relinquishing his command, was to visit his mother, 
inquire into the state of her affairs, and look after the welfare of 
his younger brother and his sister, Betty. He continued his resi- 
dence at Mount Vernon until the following year, when he again 
entered the service of Virginia in the army of General Braddock. 

DeVilliers' Indian allies were Nipissings and Algonquins from 
Canada, and when he advanced from Gist's Plantation towards 
Fort Necessity, they were reluctant to accompany him. At this 
point, attention is called to the fact that DeVilliers had two rea- 
sons, both unknown to Washington, for requesting the cessation 
of hostilities, which led to Washington's surrender. One was the 
fact that the Indian allies of the French commander intended to 
leave him the next day, which would have reduced his force to 
five hundred Frenchmen, and the other was that the French were 
almost out of ammunition. 

Fearing that Washington would be reinforced, the French com- 
mander, after destroying Fort Necessity, the cannon and a 
quantity of rum, which he did not wish to fall into the hands of 
his Indian allies, hastened away from the Great Meadows. On 
the morning of the 5th of July, he arrived at Gist's Plantation, 
where his forces demolished the stockade whVc\v Washington had 
erected. All the houses in the settlement were burned, including 
one which had been built in 1753 by William Stewart, where 
Connellsville now stands. On July 6th, DeVilliers' forces arrived 


at Redstone (Brownsville), where they burned the storehouse or 
Hangard which Captain Trent had erected near that place early 
in 1754. On July 7th, they arrived at Fort Duquesne. A little 
later they rebuilt Logstown which had been burned by Scarouady 
about June 24th. 

Washington's surrender might well have filled the English with 
gloom, says Dr. George P. Donehoo, in his "Pennsylvania — A 

"When Washington's force marched out of Fort Necessity, 
carrying the British flag with them, the flag of France flew over 
the continent from the waters of the Potomac and Susquehanna 
to the Mississippi. The British dominated the narrow strip along 
the Atlantic, and that was all. There was not left a single trading 
house or dwelling place of the English west of the blue ridges of 
mountains. France had its chain of forts connecting the posses- 
sions in Canada with the Ohio Valley, and it was only a question 
of time when this chain would be completed to the possessions on 
the Mississippi. The prospect for the Anglo-Saxon conquest of 
the continent was not a bright one." 

Washington's Love for the Great Meadows 

To the day of his death, Washington loved the Great Meadows. 
While the spot on which Jumonville was slain is the site of the 
first skirmish in which the Revolutionary General was engaged, 
the Great Meadows is the the site of his first real battle. Here 
he erected Fort Necessity. Here he valiantly defended the fort 
against overpowering numbers and amid the drenching rain. 
Here he occupied a position against which the heaviest fire of the 
French and Indians was directed. Here he saw his companions 
sink in death. Here he was compelled to surrender, but with 
honor. It was the memory of these things that caused the Great 
Meadows to have a lasting place in his afi^ections. In 1769, he 
acquired a pre-emption right to two hundred and thirty-four 
acres of these meadows, including the site of the fort. Later his 
title was confirmed by Pennsylvania. He referred to these mea- 
dows in his will; he owned them at the time of his death, and they 
were sold by his executors. Throughout our country's history to 
the last, may the traveler on the National Pike pause amid the 
mountains of Fayette County to pay homage to the memory of 
Washington on the spot where he, a Virginia youth, received his 
baptism of fire and blood. 


Captains Van Braam and Stobo 

According to the terms of Washington's capitulation, Jacob 
Van Braam and Robert Stobo, the engineer of Fort Necessity, 
were given up as hostages to the French until the British should 
return to Fort Duquesne the French prisoners taken when Jumon- 
ville was slain. The Governor of Virginia refused to return the 
French prisoners, and Van Braam and Stobo were then taken to 
Canada. While a prisoner at Fort Duquesne, Stobo wrote two 
letters to the Governor of Virginia, which were entrusted to two 
Indians friendly to the British, and safely delivered. The first 
letter, written on July 28th, 1754, and sent by the Indian, Moses, 
advised the Governor that the French had circulated a rumor 
among the Indians at and in the vicinity of Fort Duquesne, that 
Scarouady and other Indians friendly to the British had been 
killed and their wives and children delivered to the Cherokees and 
Catawbas for torture. The second letter, written the following 
day, and sent by Delaware George, contained a sketch of Fort 
Duquesne. These letters were carefully kept, and delivered to 
General Braddock, when he took command of the expedition 
against Fort Duquesne the following year. They were found 
among his effects on the field of battle, and were sent to Canada. 
Stobo, who was then a prisoner at Quebec, was tried, and sen- 
tenced to be executed, but made his escape. After the close of 
the French and Indian War, Van Braam lived in Wales and Eng- 
land until the outbreak of the Revolution, when, much against his 
will, it seems, he entered the service of the British against the 
Colonies. After the close of the Revolution, Washington received 
a long letter from his former fencing master and interpreter, 
giving an account of his experiences after the surrender at Fort 
Necessity and stating that he was spending his declining days in 
France. Here this interesting character disappears from history. 
(See Stobo's letters in Vol. 6 of Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, 
pages 141 and 161.) 

Croghan, Montour and Gist 

At this point, it will be well to devote a few paragraphs to three 
noted characters whom we have met a number of times thus far 
in this history and who assisted Washington in his campaign of 
1754, — George Croghan, Andrew Montour and Christopher Gist. 

Croghan was born in Ireland and educated in Dublin. He came 
to America somewhere between the years 1740 and 1744. He en- 


gaged in the Indian trade and appears to have been first licensed 
as an Indian trader in Pennsylvania, in 1744. In 1746, he was 
located in Silver Spring Township, in the present county of Cum- 
berland, a few miles west of Harris'Ferry, now Harrisburg. Dur- 
ing the same year, he was made a counsellor of the Six Nations at 
Onondaga, according to his sworn statement; and in March, 1749, 
he was appointed by the Governor and Council of Pennsylvania 
one of the justices of the peace in Common Pleas for Lancaster 

As early as the years 1746 and 1747, he had gone as far as the 
southwestern border of Lake Erie in his trading expeditions. In 
1748, he had a trading house at Logstown, which was made the 
headquarters of Weiser upon his visit to the Indians of that place, 
in the month of September, 1748. He had also branch trading 
establishments at the principal Indian towns in the valleys of the 
Ohio and Allegheny, one being on the northwestern side of the 
Allegheny River, at the mouth of Pine Creek, five or six miles 
above the forks of the Ohio. From this base of operations and 
from Logstown, trading routes "spread out like the sticks of a 
fan." One of these routes went up the Allegheny past Venango, 
(Franklin), where Croghan had a trading house and competed with 
John Frazer, a Pennsylvania trader from Paxtang, who for some 
years, had traded at Venango, maintaining both a trading house 
and gunsmith shop until he was driven off by the French, as has 
already been seen. Croghan's abilities and influence among the 
Indians soon attracted the attention of Conrad Weiser, who, in 
1747, recommended him to the Pennsylvania Authorities, and, in 
this way, he entered the service of the Province. 

His part in Washington's campaign consisted in furnishing the 
Virginia forces with flour and ammunition. On May 30th, 1754, 
he contracted with Governor Dinwiddle, at Winchester, Virginia, 
to transport to Redstone ten thousand pounds of flour by means 
of packhorses. Much of the powder and lead used by Washing- 
ton at Fort Necessity was furnished by Croghan and Captain 
William Trent, who was his partner and brother-in-law. How- 
ever, Croghan was so much delayed in furnishing flour that, as we 
have seen, Washington's forces suffered greatly from hunger in 
the latter days of the campaign. 

The outbreak of the French and Indian War ruined Croghan's 
prosperous trading business. He was brought to the verge of 
bankruptcy and threatened with imprisonment for debt. Then 
the Pennsylvania Assembly passed an act giving him immunity 


from arrest for ten years, in order that the Province might have 
the benefit of his services and influence among the Indians. To 
add to his financial troubles, the Irish traders, because most of 
them were Roman Catholics, fell under suspicion of acting as 
spies for the French, and Croghan was unjustly suspicioned by 
many in authority. He was granted a captain's commission to 
command the Indian allies during Braddock's campaign, and was 
at Braddock's defeat. 

Early in 1756, Croghan resigned from the Pennsylvania service 
and went to New York, where his distant relative, Sir William 
Johnson, chose him deputy Indian agent, and appointed him to 
manage the Allegheny and Susquehanna tribes. From this time, 
he was engaged for several years in important dealings with the 
Western Indians, and had much to do in swaying them to the 
British interest and making possible the success of General Forbes, 
in 1758. In 1763, he went to England on private business, and 
was shipwrecked upon the coast of France. Upon his return to 
America in 1765, he was dispatched to Illinois, going by way of 
the Ohio River, and was taken prisoner near the mouth of the 
Wabash, and carried to the Indian towns upon that river. Here 
he not only secured his own release, but conducted negotiations 
putting an end to Pontiac's War. He also took part in the Great 
Treaty of Fort Stanwix (Rome, New York), in 1768, and, as a 
reward, was given a grant of land in Cherry Valley, New York. 
Shortly prior to this, however, he had purchased a tract on the 
Allegheny, about four miles above the mouth of the Monongahela, 
where he entertained George Washington in 1770. When the 
Revolutionary War came on, it seems he embarked in the patriotic 
cause, and later was an object of suspicion; and then Penn- 
sylvania proclaimed him a public enemy, and his place as Indian 
agent was conferred upon Colonel George Morgan. He continued, 
however, to reside in Pennsylvania — the scene of his early activ- 
ities and the Colony which he rendered such signal service — and 
died at Passayunk on August 31, 1782. His funeral was con- 
ducted at the Episcopal Church of St. Peter's in Philadelphia, 
but the place of his burial remains unknown. 

Croghan's Mohawk daughter became the third wife of the 
celebrated Mohawk Chief, Joseph Brant. 

Andrew Montour, the "Half Indian," whose Indian name was 
Sattelihu, was the eldest and most noted of the children of Madam 
Montour. He is one of the most picturesque Indian characters 
in the early history of Pennsylvania, and accompanied George 


Croghan on many of his missions to the Indians of the Ohio and 
Allegheny valleys. Governor Dinwiddie gave him a captain's 
commission "to head a select company of friendly Indians, as 
scouts for our small army," when Virginia was raising forces for 
the occupation of the Forks of the Ohio, early in 1754. Montour, 
however, did not organize a company of Indians, as he had been 
instructed, but raised a company of traders and woodsmen, who 
had been driven from the valley of the Ohio on the approach of 
the French. His company consisted of eighteen men, and with 
these, he and Croghan joined Washington at the Great Meadows 
on the 9th of June. Montour and his forces assisted Washington 
in the battle of Fort Necessity, on July 3rd and 4th, where two of 
his men, Daniel Lafferty and Henry O'Brien, were taken prisoners 

In the spring of 1755, Montour and Croghan, with about fifty 
Indian braves, joined Braddock's army at Cumberland ; but after 
the army began to advance on Fort Duquesne, many of these 
Indian allies deserted or were dismissed by Braddock. However, 
Montour continued with the army and took part in its over- 
whelming defeat. Throughout the French and Indian War, he 
took part as interpreter in many Indian councils with the Penn- 
sylvania and New York authorities, and was sent on a number of 
important missions. In Pontiac's War, he was also faithful to 
the English. He was one of the interpreters at the treaty with 
the Six Nations at Fort Stanwix (Rome, N. Y.), in October, 1768, 
at which the Penns made their last purchase of lands from the 
Indians. During the year 1769, Montour was granted a tract of 
three hundred acres, situated on the south side of the Ohio River 
opposite Montour's Island, about nine miles below the mouth of 
the Monongahela. Soon thereafter this picturesque character dis- 
appears from history. A town, a creek, an island, a county, a 
mountain range — all in Pennsylvania — are named for him and 
his mother. 

We have met Christopher Gist a number of times in this 
history — as the explorer and surveyor of the Ohio Company, as 
Washington's guide on his mission to St. Pierre, and in Washing- 
ton's campaign of 1754. At least as early as the spring of 1753, 
this noted pathfinder had made a settlement of some Virginia 
families in the vicinity of what is now Mount Braddock, Fayette 
County. He served faithfully in Braddock's campaign of 1755 
and with his sons, Nathaniel and Thomas, was in the terrible de- 
feat of the haughty British general on the banks of the Monon- 
gahela. After Braddock's defeat, he raised a company of scouts 


in Virginia and Maryland and rendered service on the harried 
frontier, being then called Captain Gist. In 1756, he was sent to 
the Carolinas to enlist the Cherokee Indians in the British service 
in the French and Indian War. In 1757, he became deputy In- 
dian agent in the South, a position "for which," said Washington, 
"I know of no person so well qualified. He has had extensive 
dealings with the Indians, is in great esteem among them, well 
acquainted with their manners and customs, indefatigable and 
patient." According to most authorities, he died of smallpox in 
the summer of 1759, in either South Carolina or Georgia. 

This trusted friend of Washington deserves to be remembered 
for all time. He was one of the earliest Anglo-Saxon explorers of 
the vast region comprising the states of Ohio and Kentucky. Con- 
cerning this region he reported to the Ohio Company: "Nothing 
is wanted but cultivation to make this a most delightful country." 

(For account of Christopher Gist's explorations for the Ohio 
Company, the reader is referred to W^illiam M. Darlington's 
"Christopher Gist's Journals.") 

The Albany Treaty and Purchase of 1754 

In order to combine the efforts of the Colonies in resisting the 
encroachments of the French, a conference was ordered by the 
British Ministry, to be held at Albany, New York, in June and 
July, 1754, to which the Six Nations were invited. Governor 
Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, unable to be present, commissioned 
John Penn and Richard Peters of the Provincial Council, and 
Isaac Norris and Benjamin Franklin, of the Assembly, to attend 
the conference in his stead. Conrad Weiser also attended the 
conference as interpreter in the negotiations with the Six Nations. 
At this conference, a plan was proposed for a political union, and 
adopted on the very day that Washington surrendered at Fort 
Necessity. It was subsequently submitted to the Home Govern- 
ment and the Provincial Assemblies. The Home Government 
condemned it, according to Franklin, on account of its being too 
democratic; and the various Provincial Assemblies objected to it 
as containing too much power of the King. Pennsylvania nega- 
tived it without discussion. 

At this Albany Conference, the title of the Iroquois to the Ohio 
Valley was recognized, and the Pennsylvania commissioners 
secured from the Iroquois a great addition to the Province, to 
which the Indian title was not extinct. The deed, which was 


signed by the chiefs of the Six Nations on July 6, 1754, conveyed 
to Pennsylvania all the land extending on the west side of the 
Susquehanna River from the Blue Mountains to a mile above the 
mouth of Kayarondinhagh (Penn's) Creek; thence northwest by 
west to the western boundary of the Province; thence along the 
western boundary to the southern boundary; thence along the 
southern boundary to the Blue Mountains; and thence along the 
Blue Mountains to the place of beginning. 

Although the Great Council of the Iroquois declared at the 
Albany Treaty that they would not sell their lands in the Wyom- 
ing Valley to either Pennsylvania or Connecticut, but would 
reserve them as a hunting ground and for the residence of such 
Indians as cared to remove from the French and settle there, and 
also declared that the Onondaga Council had appointed Shikel- 
lamy's son, John, in charge of this territory; yet, before the 
Treaty was closed, the Mohawks very irregularly sold the Wyom- 
ing lands to Connecticut. 

This Albany Treaty, which secured the neutrality of the Six 
Nations during the French and Indian War, was the first official 
acknowledgment of the independence of the Iroquois Confedera- 
tion by delegates from all the Colonies. It was a truly historic 
assembly. Even until the present day, the Iroquois Confedera- 
tion has been considered an independent Nation by the United 
States Government. (For account of the Albany Conference and 
Treaty, see Penna. Col. Rec. Vol. 6, pages 57 to 128.) 

Tanacharison Complains of Washington 
and Protests Albany Purchase 

After the defeat of Washington at the Great Meadows, Tana- 
charison and Scarouady, with some of their followers, "came down 
to the back parts of Virginia," and then with Seneca George and 
about three hundred Mingos (Iroquois), retreated to George Crog- 
han's trading post at Aughwick, now Shirleysburg, Huntingdon 
County. At about the same time, some Shawnees, Delawares, 
and an inconsiderable number of renegades of the Seneca tribe of 
the Six Nations, joined the French. Tanacharison and Scarouady 
after retreating to Aughwick, sent out messages to assemble the 
friendly Delawares and Shawnees at that place, and asked the 
Colony of Pennsylvania to support their women and children 
while the warriors fought on the side of the English, whom they 
expected speedily to take decisive steps against the French. In 


response to these messages, great swarms of excited Indians came 
to Aughwick, clamoring for food, and were fed at the expense of 
the Colony throughout the fall and winter. Here most of them 
remained until General Braddock's army arrived at Cumberland 
Maryland, in the spring of 1755, when they went to join his army. 
Here, also Queen Allaquippa died in December, 1754. 

George Croghan was in charge of distributing provisions and 
supplies to the friendly Indians, who had assembled at Aughwick 
after Washington's surrender at Fort Necessity. The bills which 
he was sending the Colonial Authorities for feeding these Indians 
having grown rather large, Croghan was suspicioned as not being 
reliable, and finally there were hints that he was in league with 
the French. The Pennsylvania Assembly then cut down his bills, 
and he decided to leave Aughwick. Conrad Weiser was then 
directed by the Colonial Authorities to go to Aughwick, and make 
a report on Croghan. He reached this place on August 31st, 1754, 
being accompanied by Tanacharison from Harris' Ferry, now 

"On the way," says Weiser, "Tanacharison complained very 
much of the behavior of Colonel Washington, (though in a very 
moderate way, saying the Colonel was a good-natured man, but 
had no experience); that he took upon him to command the In- 
dians as his slaves, and would have them every day upon the 
Out Scout, and attack the Enemy by themselves, and that he 
would by no means take advice from the Indians; that he lay at 
one place from one full moon to another, and made no fortifica- 
tions at all but that little thing upon the meadow, [Fort Necess- 
ity] where he thought the French would come up to him in open 
field; that had he taken the Half King's advice and made such 
fortifications as the Half King advised him to make, he would 
certainly have beat the French off; that the French had acted as 
great cowards and the English as fools in that engagement; that 
he [the Half King] had carried off his wife and children; so did 
other Indians before the battle begun, because Colonel Washing- 
ton would never listen to them, but was always driving them on 
to fight by his directions." 

Weiser found that Croghan was entirely worthy of being 
trusted. He also found that the inhabitants of Cumberland 
County caused much trouble in selling so much strong liquor 
to the Indians assembled at Aughwick. In the conferences which 
he held with Tanacharison, Scarouady, King Beaver, and various 
other chiefs, he completely won old Tanacharison and his people 


back to the English cause after their anger at Washington and the 
Virginians. Moreover, at these conferences, Weiser learned that 
the Shawnees and Delawares had formed an alliance; that the 
French had offered them presents, either to join them or to re- 
main neutral, and that to these proposals, the Delawares made 
no reply, but at once sent their deputies to Aughwick for the pur- 
pose, as Weiser thought, of learning the attitude of the English. 

Near the close of the conference, Tanacharison and Scarouady 
pressed Weiser to tell them what transpired at the Albany Treaty; 
and he then told them all about the purchase of the vast tract 
west of the Susquehanna. "They seemed not to be very well 
pleased," says Weiser, "because the Six Nations had sold such a 
large tract." Weiser then explained that the purchase was made 
in order to frustrate land schemes of the Connecticut interests, 
and of the French on the Ohio. This appeared to satisfy them, 
though they resented not receiving a part of the consideration. 
For a time they were content, not knowing that the purchase in- 
cluded most of the lands on the West Branch of the Susquehanna. 
The Shawnee and Delaware deputies then went back to the Ohio 
into danger and temptations, and to learn from the French that 
their vast hunting grounds on the West Branch of the Susque- 
hanna had been sold to the Province of Pennsylvania at the 
Albany Treaty. 

No wonder that Tanacharison and Scarouady complained to 
Weiser. The Albany purchase was a very powerful factor in 
alienating, not only the Delawares, but the other Indians, from 
Pennsylvania. The Shawnees and Delawares of the Munsee 
Clan (Monseys) in the valleys of the Susquehanna, Juniata, 
Allegheny, and Ohio, thus found their lands "sold from under 
their feet" which the Six Nations had guaranteed to them, so 
they claimed, on their migration to these valleys. It was pro- 
vided in the contract of sale of these lands that half of the pur- 
chase price should be paid upon delivery of the deed, and the 
remainder was not to be paid until the settlers had actually 
crossed the Allegheny Mountains, and taken up their abode in 
the purchased territory. The Indians declared in July, 1755, that 
they would not receive the second installment, but the Mohawk 
chief, Hendricks, persuaded them to stand by the deed. After 
Braddock was defeated on July 9, 1755, the entire body of dis- 
satisfied Indians on the Albany Purchase took bitter vengeance 
on Pennsylvania. After three years of bloodshed, outrage and 
murder, Conrad Weiser persuaded the Proprietaries of Pennsyl- 


vania to deed back to the Indians that part of the Albany pur- 
chase which lay west of the Allegheny Mountains. This was done 
at the treaty at Easton, in October, 1758, which treaty will be 
discussed in a later chapter. 

Death of Tanacharison 

After the series of conferences with Conrad Weiser at Augh- 
wick, in September, 1754, Tanacharison returned to the trading 
house of John Harris, at Harris' Ferry, where he became danger- 
ously ill; and a conjuror, or "medicineman," was summoned to 
make inquiry into the cause and nature of his malady. The 
"medicineman" gave it as his opinion that the French had be- 
witched Tanacharison in revenge for the great blow he had struck 
them in the affair of Jumonville; for the Indians gave him the 
whole credit of that success, Tanacharison having made it clear 
that it was he who killed Jumonville, in revenge of the French, 
who, as he declared, had killed, boiled, and eaten his father. Fur- 
thermore, Tanacharison had sent around the French scalps taken 
at that action, as trophies. All the friends of the old chieftain 
concurred in the opinion of the "medicineman," and when Tana- 
charison died at the house of John Harris, on October 4, 1754, 
there was great lamentation among the Indians, mingled with 
threats of immediate vengeance. Thus was this noted sachem 
gathered to his fathers in the "Happy Hunting Ground," at a 
time when his services and influence among the Western Indians 
were greatly needed by the English. 


General Braddock's Campaign 

THE news of Washington's surrender at the Great Meadows 
produced a feeling of alarm throughout the Colonies and 
also among the members of the King's cabinet. The Treaty of 
Aix-la-Chapelle, which closed King George's War, was still in 
force. Officially, at least. Great Britain and France were at 
peace. Yet the British Government realized that France meant 
to take and retain possession of the valleys of the Ohio and 
Allegheny by force of arms. Great Britain, therefore, began to 
make arrangements for sending troops to America to resist the 
aggressions of the French. General Edward Braddock was se- 
lected as commander-in-chief of these forces. 

Braddock sailed for Virginia on December 21st, 1754, with his 
stafif and a small part of his troops, leaving the main body to 
follow on January 14th, 1755. On February 20th, he arrived in 
Virginia. At a council of Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, 
Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia, Governor Delancy of New York, 
Governor Morris of Pennsylvania, Governor Sharpe of Maryland 
and Governor Dobbs of North Carolina, held at Alexandria, 
Virginia, on April 14th, 1755, the plans of military operations 
were definitely formed. Three expeditions were decided upon: 
one against Niagara and Frontenac, under General Shirley; one 
against Crown Point, under General William Johnson; and one 
against Fort Duquesne, under General Braddock. The expedi- 
tion against Fort Duquesne was considered the most important, 
and is the only one we shall discuss in this history. It was made 
up of the Forty-fourth and Forty-eighth Royal Regiments of 
Foot, commanded by Sir Peter Halket and Colonel Thomas Dun- 
bar, of New York Independent Companies of Foot, and of South 
Carolina, Maryland and Virginia troops. 

The Army Assembles at Cumberland 

Without setting forth the details of the forming of Braddock's 
expedition, we state that his army assembled at Will's Creek, or 


Fort Cumberland, where the city of Cumberland, Maryland now 
stands. Braddock joined his forces here early in May. Here 
came Colonel George Washington, who was chosen as one of 
Braddock's aides-de-camp. Here, also, Braddock received two 
hundred wagons and two hundred and fifty horses from York and 
Lancaster Counties, Pennsylvania, principally through the efforts 
of Benjamin Franklin, who, in the latter part of April, sent hand- 
bills throughout the counties of York, Lancaster and Cumberland, 
containing the threat of Quartermaster-General Sir John St. 
Clair to send an armed force into these counties to seize wagons 
and horses for the expedition. 

In this connection we state that Braddock told Franklin he 
was sure his army would not be detained long at Fort Duquesne 
and that, after capturing that place, he would press on to Niagara 
and Frontenac without any obstruction being offered. Franklin 
then warned him of the danger of being ambushed by Indian allies 
of the French. "He smiled at my ignorance," says Franklin in 
his Autobiography, "and replied: 'These savages may indeed be 
a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the 
King's regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible that 
they should make any impression.' " 

Braddock planned to advance on Fort Duquesne over the route 
followed by Washington's expedition of the preceeding summer, 
which, it will be recalled, was originally the Nemacolin Indian 
Trail. In order that his army might procure food and other 
supplies from the fertile counties of Eastern Pennsylvania, the 
Province of Pennsylvania directed Colonel James Burd to cut a 
road from McDowell's Mill, in the western part of Franklin 
County, to join the Braddock road at or near Turkey Foot, now 
Confluence. Braddock was very anxious that the Burd road be 
completed before his army would arrive at the Great Crossings 
of the Youghiogheny (Somerfield, Somerset County). He issued 
orders later that the work of cutting a road from Raystown 
(Bedford, Pa.) to Fort Cumberland be left unfinished until 
Colonel Burd would finish cutting the road to Turkey Foot, and 
he sent one hundred troops from Fort Cumberland under Captain 
Hogg to act as a guard for Burd's road-cutters. However, Colonel 
Burd had cut his road only to the crest of the Allegheny Moun- 
tains by the time of Braddock's defeat. 

Most students of Braddock's expedition are of the opinion that 
the starting place for Fort Duquesne should have been Phila- 
delphia or Carlisle. Probably the starting place would have been 


in Pennsylvania, if the Pennsylvania Assembly had realized the 
impending danger of a successful French invasion and occupation 
of the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny, and had not spent its 
time disputing with Governor Morris. After the Governor had 
called the attention of the Assembly to the fact that the French 
had invaded a large part of the Province, this body replied, on 
January 3d, 1755, that "the French Forts and their other Acquisi- 
tions on the Ohio are constantly considered and called in Great 
Britain an Invasion upon His Majesty's Territory of Virginia." 
Pennsylvania had been requested to enlist men to fill the gaps in 
the Forty-fourth and Forty-eighth Regiments. This was not 
done. Furthermore, early in January, the Assembly adjourned 
until May, without doing anything to put the Province in a state 
of defense. Governor Morris then told the Assembly that "all the 
fatal Consequences that may attend your leaving the Province 
in this defenseless State must lie at your Doors." (Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 6, pages 227 to 247, especially pages 233, 234, 240 and 247.) 
Without going further into the dispute between the Pennsyl- 
vania Assembly and Governor Morris, we state that, on account 
of this dispute and consequent inaction on the part of Pennsyl- 
vania, the British Government realized that any movement of 
troops against Fort Duquesne would have to be made from Vir- 
ginia and by Virginia's assistance. 

Braddock's Indian Allies 

Braddock expected to receive many Indian allies, especially 
Catawbas and Cherokees of the South, which Governor Din- 
widdle had promised. None of these southern warriors came. He 
urged George Croghan, Cristopher Gist and Governor Morris, of 
Pennsylvania, to persuade Indians of the Ohio and Allegheny to 
join his forces. But the Delawares and Shawnees of these valleys, 
alienated from the English interest by the fraudulent Walking 
Purchase of 1737, the land sales at the Treaty of 1736, and es- 
pecially by the Albany Purchase of 1754, were in no frame of mind 
to take up arms against the sympathizing French. At best, they 
were waiting to see which side would win in the impending con- 
test. Finally, in the latter part of May, George Croghan and 
Andrew Montour brought from Aughwick (Shirleysburg, Pa.) to 
Braddock's camp at Cumberland about fifty warriors, mostly of 
the Six Nations. Many of these Indians had been in Washing- 
ton's campaign of the preceeding summer, had deserted him be- 


fore the battle at Fort Necessity, and then had been fed at the 
expense of Pennsylvania, by Croghan, at Aughwick, throughout 
the autumn and winter. 

Scarouady, successor to Tanacharison, was the leader of the 
Indians brought by Croghan and Montour. Other chiefs were 
White Thunder (The Belt), Silver Heels (Aroas), so called, pro- 
ably, on account of being fleet of foot, Canachquasy (Captain 
New Castle) and Carondowanen (Great Tree). Scarouady ad- 
dressed the assembled Indians, and urged them to take up the 
English cause with vigor. 

Washington Irving's "Life of Washington" contains the follow- 
ing interesting paragraphs concerning the assembling of Sca- 
rouady and his warriors at Cumberland. 

"Notwithstanding his secret contempt for the Indians, Brad- 
dock, agreeably to his instructions, treated them with great cere- 
mony. A grand council was held in his tent, at Fort Cumberland, 
where all his officers attended. The chiefs, and all the warriors, 
came painted and decorated for war. They were received with 
military honors, the guards resting on their firearms. The general 
made tham a speech through his interpreter, expressing the grief 
of their father, the great King of England, at the death of the 
Half King, Tanacharison, and made them presents to console 
them. They in return promised their aid as guides and scouts, and 
declared eternal enmity to the French, following the declaration 
with the war song, 'making a terrible noise.' 

"The general, to regale and astonish them, ordered all the 
artillery to be fired, 'the drums and fifes playing and beating the 
point of war;' the fete ended by their feasting in their own camp 
on a bullock which the general had given them, following up their 
repast by dancing the war dance round a fire, to the sound of their 
uncouth drums and rattles, 'making night hideous,' by howls and 

"For a time all went well. The Indians had their separate 
camp, where they passed half the night singing, dancing, and 
howling. The British were amused by their strange ceremonies, 
their savage antics, and savage decorations. The Indians, on the 
other hand, loitered by day about the English camp, fiercely 
painted and arrayed, gazing with silent admiration at the parade 
of the troops, their marchings and evolutions; and delighted with 
the horse-races, with which the young officers recreated them- 

"Unluckily the warriors had brought their families with them 


to Will's Creek, and the women were even fonder than the men of 
loitering about the British camp. They were not destitute of 
attractions; for the young squaws resemble the gypsies, having 
seductive forms, small hands and feet, and soft voices. Among 
those who visited the camp was one who no doubt passed for an 
Indian princess. She was the daughter of the sachem. White 
Thunder, and bore the dazzling name of Bright Lightning. The 
charms of these wild-wood beauties were soon acknowledged. 
'The squaws,' writes Secretary Peters, 'bring in money plenty; 
the officers are scandalously fond of them.' 

"The jealousy of the warriors was aroused; some of them be- 
came furious. To prevent discord, the squaws were forbidden to 
come into the British camp. This did not prevent their being 
sought elsewhere. It was ultimately found necessary, for the sake 
of quiet, to send Bright Lightning, with all the other women and 
children, back to Aughwick. White Thunder, and several of the 
warriors, accompanied them for their protection. 

"As to the Delaware chiefs, they returned to the Ohio, promis- 
ing the general they would collect their warriors together, and 
meet him on his march. They never kept their word. 'These 
people are villians, and always side with the strongest,' says a 
shrewd journalist of the expedition, 

"Either from disgust thus caused, or from being actually dis- 
missed, the warriors began to disappear from the camp. It is 
said that Colonel Innes, who was to remain in command at Fort 
Cumberland, advised the dismissal of all but a few to serve as 
guides; certain it is, before Braddock recommended his march, 
none remained to accompany him but Scarouady and eight of his 

Neither White Thunder nor any of the other Indians who con- 
ducted the Indian women back to Aughwick returned to Brad- 
dock's army. The faithful eight Iroquois chiefs who remained 
with the army and fought in the battle on the banks of the Monon- 
gahela, were thanked by Governor Morris, of Pennsylvania, at a 
meeting of the Provincial Council, held on August 15th, 1755, 
in whose minutes their names are given. They were at the meet- 
ing. (See Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, page 524). 

"Captain Jack" 

At this point attention is called to the fact that many historians 
have made the statement that, when Braddock arrived at the 


Little Meadows, soon to be mentioned again, "Captain Jack, the 
Wild Hunter of the Juniata," offered him the services of himself 
and his band of backwoodsmen, which offer was distainfully 
refused. But "Captain Jack, the Wild Hunter," was a mythical 
character. He never existed, except as the beau ideal of the 
period. Many legends concerning this mythical frontiersman, 
"with the eye of an eagle and an aim that was unerring, are given 
in McKnights "Captain Jack, the Scout." 

Many have confused the mythical "Captain Jack" with the 
real Captain Patrick Jack, of the Cumberland Valley, who, it is 
claimed, at the suggestion of Benjamin Franklin, offered Brad- 
dock the services of his band of foresters as guides, which offer 
the General declined to accept, giving as a reason that he already 
had secured guides for his expedition. At least this is the tradi- 
tion that has been handed down to the descendants of Captain 
Patrick Jack. Many, too, have confused the mythical character 
with Andrew Montour, the Half Indian; others with the White 
Mingo ; and others with Captain William Patterson, of the Juniata 
Valley. (See Frontier Forts of Penna., Sec. Edition, Vol. 2, page 
643; also Hanna's "Wilderness Trail," Vol. 2, page 57). 

The March from Cumberland to the Fatal Field 

On June 7th, Sir Peter Halket's division took up the march 
from Cumberland, followed, on June 8th, by Lieutenant-Colonel 
Burton's division, and, on June 10th, by Colonel Thomas Dun- 
bar's division, accompanied by Braddock and his aides. Colonel 
Innes was left in command of Fort Cumberland, with a detach- 
ment of Colonial troops. 

On June 16th, the army reached the Little Meadows, about 
three miles east of Grantsville, Maryland. Here Braddock 
decided to divide his army. On the 18th of June, four hun- 
dred men were sent forward to cut the road to the Little Cross- 
ing, (Grantsville) and, on the following day, Braddock followed 
with a detachment of five hundred men, the officers, and the 
"two eldest Grenadier Companies," making, in all, somewhat 
more than twelve hundred officers and men. The rest of the army 
about eight hundred and fifty men and officers, under command, 
of Colonel Dunbar, was to follow by slower stages, with the heavy 
baggage, heavy artillery and stores and with most of the women 
accompanying the army. 1 1 was Washington who advised hasten- 
ing forward with the best troops and as little baggage as possible. 


For several days he had been very ill of fever. On account of 
this illness, he was left, on June 19th, at the camp at the Little 
Crossing, under the care of Dr. Craik, by the positive orders of 
Braddock. He traveled with Dunbar's division, until July 3d, 
then hastened forward from a point near the Great Meadows, 
weak as he was, and joined the main army under Braddock the 
day before the battle. 

Leaving Colonel Dunbar, we shall follow General Braddock's 
army on its march through the wilderness and over the mountains 
to the fatal field. On June 19th, his army reached Bear Camp, 
which was almost on the Maryland and Pennsylvania line, about 
three miles southeast of Addison, Somerset County. During this 
day's march, Scarouady and his son, who were marching with the 
other Indian allies as an advanced party and were some distance 
from the line of march, were surrounded and captured by some 
French and Indians. The son escaped and brought the intelli- 
gence to the warriors, who hastened to rescue or avenge the aged 
chief, but found him tied to a tree. The French had been disposed 
to kill him; but the Indians with them declared that they would 
abandon the French should they do so, thus showing some tie of 
friendship or kindred with Scarouady, who then rejoined Brad- 
dock's forces unharmed. 

By the 23rd of June, the army reached Squaw Fort, situated a 
short distance southeast of Somerfield, Somerset County. On 
June 24th, it passed over the Great Crossing of the Youghiogheny 
and encamped three or four miles east of the Great Meadows, the 
site of Fort Necessity, where Washington surrendered the year 
before. On June 25th, it marched over the very spot where 
Braddock was buried a fortnight later, and encamped at the 
Orchard Camp, where he died on the night of July 13th. Both the 
Orchard Camp and the place of Braddock's burial are not far 
from the Summit on the National Pike, in Fayette County. On 
the morning of this day (June 25th), three men, venturing be- 
yond the sentinels, were shot and scalped by Indians. On June 
26th, the army encamped at Rock Fort Camp, not far from Wash- 
ington's Spring, where, it will be remembered, Tanacharison was 
encamped with his warriors when he and Washington set out to 
make the attack on Jumonville. On June 27th, the army reached 
Gist's Plantation, the present Mount Braddock, in Fayette 
County. On June 28th, the army reached Stewart's Crossing on 
the Youghiogheny, at Connellsville, Fayette County, where it 
encamped on the western side of this stream. The army remained 


in camp all day during the 29th, and crossed to the eastern side of 
the Youghiogheny, on the 30th, encamping about a mile from the 

At this point, attention is called to the fact that, from Gist's 
Plantation to Stewart's Crossing, Braddock's army followed the 
course of the Catawba Indian Trail, leading from the domain of 
the Senecas and other members of the Iroquois Confederation to 
the territory of the Catawbas and Cherokees; also to the fact 
that, at his camp on the eastern side of the Youghiogheny, on 
June 30th, General Braddock wrote what was very likely the last 
letter, official or otherwise, penned by his hand. This was a letter 
to Governor Morris, urging that Colonel Burd's road be speedily 
completed and advising of attacks upon some settlers near Fort 
Cumberland by hostile Indians. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 

On July 1st, the army encamped at what is known as the Camp 
at the Great Swamp, the location of which was near the old Iron 
Bridge, southeast of Mount Pleasant, Westmoreland County, and 
near the headwaters of Jacob's and Mount's creeks. On July 
2nd, the army encamped at Jacob's Cabin, making a march of 
about six miles. This "cabin" belonged to the famous Delaware 
chief. Captain Jacobs. On July 3rd, the army passed near Mount 
Pleasant, and encamped at the headwaters of Sewickley Creek, 
about five miles southeast of Madison, Westmoreland County. 
The camp at this place was called Salt Lick Camp. On July 4th, 
the army encamped at Thicketty-Run (Sewickley Creek), about 
a mile west of Madison. From this camp two Indians were sent 
forward as scouts, as was also Christopher Gist. All three re- 
turned on the 6th, the Indians bringing the scalp of a French 
officer they had killed near Fort Duquesne. Mr. Gist had in- 
tended to spy around the fort at night, but was discovered and 
pursued by two Indians. He narrowly escaped with his life. On 
July 6th, the army reached Camp Monacatoocha, so named in 
honor of Scarouady, or Monacatoocha, on account of the follow- 
ing sad event: 

On the 6th of July, three or four soldiers, loitering in the rear 
of Braddock's forces, were killed and scalped by the Indian allies 
of the French, and several of the grenadiers set off to take revenge. 
These came upon a party of the Indians who held up boughs and 
grounded their arms as the sign of amity. Either Braddock's 
grenadiers did not perceive this sign, or else misunderstood it. 
At any rate, they fired upon the Indians and one of them fell, who 


proved to be the son of Scarouady. The grenadiers brought the 
body of the young warrior to camp. Braddock then sent for 
Scarouady and the other Indians, and condoled with them on the 
lamentable occurrence, making them the customary presents to 
wipe away their tears. He also caused the young man to be buried 
with the honors of war, and at his request the officers attended the 
funeral and fired a volley over the grave. The camp that night, 
located about two miles southeast of Irwin, Westmoreland County 
was given the name of Camp Monacatoocha, in honor of Sca- 
rouady. Says Irving: 

"These soldier-like tributes of respect to the deceased and 
sympathy with the survivors, soothed the feelings and gratified 
the pride of the father, and attached him more firmly to the 
service. We are glad to record an anecdote so contrary to the 
general contempt for the Indians with which Braddock stands 
charged. It speaks well for the real kindness of his heart." 

On July 7th, Braddock on advice of Gist and Montour, aban- 
doned the Indian trail, in order to avoid the dangerous Narrows 
of Turtle Creek; and turning sharply westward, the army followed 
the valley of Long Run at or near Stewartsville, and encamped 
on the night of July 8th, about two miles from the Monongahela 
and an equal distance from the mouth of the Youghiogheny, near 
McKeesport, Allegheny County. This was the last camp of the 
army before the fatal encounter. Here George Washington, who 
had been left at the Little Crossing near Grantsville, Maryland, 
on June 19th, on account of illness, rejoined the army on the 
evening of July 8th, bringing with him from Dunbar's division a 
detachment, sent to guard a pack-horse train carrying provisions 
for Braddock's army. It is seen, therefore, that Washington had 
not been with Braddock's army during the long march from the 
Little Crossing, near Grantsville, Maryland. 

After the arrival of Washington's detachment, Braddock's 
forces numbered 1,460 officers and men besides women and 
camp followers. July 9th dawned bright and clear. Braddock 
would reach Fort Duquesne before evening. He felt certain of 
victory. Although French and Indians had lurked in the woods, 
near his line of march, from the time his army left Cumberland, 
yet there had been no ambush.of his forces, owing to the vigilance 
of Christopher Gist, Andrew Montour, Scarouady and other 
scouts. As has been seen, his Indian scouts had approached near 
the fort. They and Gist reported, on July 6th, that there were 


no signs of ambush and no signs of preparations for resistance. 
Nor, in fact, was Braddock ambushed on the fatal ninth day of 
July, when his army went down to overwhelming and inglorious 
defeat at the hands of the French and their Indian allies. It is 
true that the French officer, Beaujeu, had planned an ambush, 
and picked a place for it on the evening of July 8th. In the mean- 
time, Braddock had crossed the Monongahela and started up the 
slopes of the field of encounter before the French and Indians ar- 
rived at the place which they had selected for ambushing him. 
We think it well to point out this fact before we describe the battle 
(See the French account of the battle, in Pa. Archives, Sec. Series, 
Vol. 6, page 256). 

But to return to the early morning of the fatal day. To reach 
Fort Duquesne, it was necessary for Braddock's army to cross to 
the south side of the Monongahela, march some distance along 
the south bank, then return to the north bank by again fording 
the stream. 

At three o'clock on the morning of July 9th, Colonel Gage was 
sent with about four hundred men to secure both fords of the 
river and to hold the northern bank of the second ford. At four 
o'clock. Sir John St. Clair, with a detachment of two hundred and 
fifty men, was sent to make a road for transporting the artillery 
and baggage. At eight o'clock, Braddock crossed the first ford 
to the south bank of the Monongahela, Here his forces took up 
the line of march along the south shore, and, when they had gone 
about a mile, Braddock received word from Colonel Gage that he 
had carried out the General's orders and posted himself on the 
north bank to secure the second ford. Presently the entire army 
crossed the second ford, and formed along the north shore, just 
below the mouth of Turtle Creek, where the town of Braddock 
now stands. 

The march along the south shore of the Monongahela was an 
imposing spectacle — with arms cleaned the night before, gleaming 
in the summer sunshine, with officers and men, clad in their best 
uniforms, stepping buoyantly to the inspiring music of the 
"Grenadiers' March," which the drums and fifes were beating and 
playing, with the flag of England flying in the breeze, Washing- 
ton looked upon the scene with deep emotion, and, in after years, 
spoke of it as the most beautiful sight he ever beheld. The ford- 
ing to the north shore was made with bayonets fixed, drums beat- 
ing, fifes playing and colors flying, as before. 


The Battle of the Monongahela 

The army is now on the north shore of the Monongahela. 
Fort Duquesne is only ten miles away. It is almost two o'clock. 
After a halt, General Braddock has arranged the order of march. 
First moves the advance, under Colonel Gage, preceeded by the 
engineers and six light horsemen. These are followed by Sir 
John St. Clair and the working party, with wagons and two 
cannon, four flanking parties being thrown out on each side. 
General Braddock is soon to follow with the main body, the 
artillery and baggage, preceeded and flanked by light horse and 
infantry; while the Virginia and other Colonial troops are to 
form the rear guard. 

The advanced party, under Gage, has proceeded beyond the 
first high ground and is just going up the second when one of the 
engineers, marking the course of the road, sees French and In- 
dians directly in front of him. He gives the alarm, "French and 
Indians"! Beaujeu, their leader, is wearing a gay hunting shirt 
and silver gorget on his breast, as he leads them on. They are on 
the run, indicating that they have just come from Fort Duquesne. 
Both sides are equally surprised. Both sides fire upon each other. 
Beaujeu is killed at the first fire. Upon his fall, the Indians begin 
to waver, terrified at the roar of St. Clair's cannon. The com- 
mand of the French and Indians now devolves upon M. Dumas. 
With great presence of mind, he rallies the Indians and orders his 
officers to lead them to the wings and attack the British on the 
flank, while he, with the French soldiers, will maintain a position 
in front. His orders are promptly obeyed. 

General Braddock hears the quick and heavy firing in front 
and the terrible yelling of the Indians. He orders Colonel Burton 
to hasten to the assistance of the advanced party, with the van 
guard, eight hundred strong. The rest of the army, four hundred 
strong, are halted and posted to protect the artillery and baggage. 
The General sends an aid-de-camp forward to bring him an ac- 
count of the attack. He does not wait for the aid-de-camp's re- 
turn, but, finding the turmoil and uproar increasing, he and 
Washington move forward, leaving Sir Peter Halket in charge of 
the baggage. 

In the meantime Gage has ordered his men to fix bayonets and 
form in order of battle. They do so in terror, and he now orders 
them to scale the hill on the right from which there is the heaviest 


firing, but they will not quit the line of march, dismayed by the 
terrible yells of the Indians, who have now extended themselves 
along the hill and in the ravines which traverse the field. 

The whereabouts of the Indians are known only by their blood- 
curdling cries and the puffs of smoke from their rifles. The sol- 
diers fire when they see the smoke. The offtcers' orders are not 
heeded. The men shoot at random, killing some of their own 
flanking parties and of the van guard. In a few minutes most of 
the officers and men of the advance are killed or wounded. Gage 
himself is wounded. His detachment falls back upon the detach- 
ment which followed. 

Braddock has now arrived, and is trying to rally the men, but 
they heed neither his entreaties nor his threats. They will not 
fight when they can not see the enemy. The Virginia troops, how- 
ever, accustomed to the Indian mode of fighting, spring into the 
forest, take post behind trees and rocks, and, in this manner, pick 
off some of the lurking foe. Washington urges Braddock to adopt 
the same plan with the regulars, but he persists in forming them 
into platoons. Consequently they are cut down without mercy. 
Some, indeed, attempt to take to trees, but the General storms 
at them and calls them cowards. He even strikes them with the 
flat of his sword. In the meantime, the regulars kill many of the 
Virginians, firing as they see the puffs of smoke from their rifles 
in the forest. 

The slaughter of the officers is terrible. The Indians fire from 
their coverts at every one on horseback, or who appears to have 
command. Colonel Burton, and Sir John St. Clair are wounded. 
Sir Peter Halket is shot down at the head of his regiment. Secre- 
tary Shirley is shot through the head, falling by the side of Brad- 
dock, who still remains in the center of the field in the hope of 
retrieving the fortunes of the day. He has seen his trusted officers 
shot down all around him. Two of his aides. Captain Robert 
Orme and Captain Roger Morris, are wounded. Four horses have 
now been shot and killed under Braddock; still he keeps his 
ground. At length, as he mounts a fifth horse, a bullet passes 
through his right arm and lodges itself in his lungs. He falls 
from his horse into the arms of Captain Robert Stewart, of the 
Virginia Light Horse. The mortally wounded General asks to be 
left amid the dead and dying on the scene of slaughter, but 
Captain Stewart and another Virginian officer assisted by Brad- 
dock's servant. Bishop, later carry him from the field in his military 


Amid the carnage, with the war-whoop of the Indians ringing 
in his ears, with the groans of the dying bringing unutterable 
sadness to his soul, Washington distinguishes himself by his 
courage and presence of mind. His brother aides, Orme and 
Morris, having been wounded early in the action, the whole duty 
of carrying the orders of the General has devolved on him. He 
dashes to every part of the field, and is a conspicuous mark for 
the rifles of the Indians. A chief and his warriors single him out, 
and, after firing at him many times, the chief orders the warriors 
to desist, believing the life of the brave young Virginian is pro- 
tected by the Great Spirit. (When Washington, in 1770, in 
company with Dr. Craik and William Crawford, made a journey 
down the Ohio River to explore lands given the Virginia soldiers, 
the Indian chief who fired at him so often in this battle, made a 
long journey to meet him.) The men who should have served 
Sir Peter Halket's cannon are paralyzed with terror. Washington 
springs from his horse, wheels and points a brass field-piece with 
his own hands, and directs an effective discharge into the woods. 
Two horses are shot under him. Four bullets pass through his 
coat. Dr. James Craik, as he attends the wounded, watches him 
with great anxiety, as he dashes from place to place in the most 
exposed manner. Yet Washington miraculously escapes without 
a wound. 

The battle lasted until five o'clock. Just before Braddock was 
shot, the drums beat a retreat, but, by this time, most of the 
survivors, abandoning their arms, had crossed the Monongahela 
in headlong flight, at the same ford across which they had come, 
in proud array, to the field of death a few hours before. Neither 
the French nor the Indians pursued the fugitives. The Indians 
remained on the field to scalp and plunder the dead. This saved 
the life of many a fugitive. Had the French and Indians followed 
the broken fragments of the army, it is likely that none would 
have escaped. Later many of the Indians returned home, being 
dissatisfied with their share of the spoils. 

This was the most crushing defeat ever administered to a 
British army on American soil. Throughout that dreadful after- 
noon, death, like a hungry Moloch, eager for a royal feast, 
stalked by the side of Mars and drank his fill of blood amid the 
gloom of the forest. The slaughter of trained soldiers by Indians, 
in this battle, has no comparison except the slaughter of General 
George A. Custer's troops at the battle of the Little Big Horn, on 
June 25th, 1876. 


Of the 1460, besides women and other camp followers, who on 
that July day crossed the sparkling Monongahela, 456 were 
killed and 421 wounded, many of them mortally. Out of 89 
commissioned ofificers, 63 were killed or wounded. In no other 
battle in history were so many officers slain in proportion to the 
number engaged. The Virginians suffered the most. One com- 
pany was almost annihilated, and another, besides those killed 
and wounded in its ranks, lost all its officers, even to the corporal. 
Of the three Virginia companies, Washington said that they "be- 
haved like men and died like soldiers" and that "scarce thirty 
men were left alive." 

The French Account of the Battle 

The French account of the battle, among other things, bears 
out the contention that Braddock was not ambushed. In this 
account, we read: 

"That officer (Contrecoeur, commander of Fort Duquesne) em- 
ployed the next day (July 8th) in making his arrangements; and 
on the ninth detached M. de Beaujeu, seconded by Messers. 
Dumas and de Lignery, all three Captains, together with four 
Lieutenants, 6 Ensigns, 20 cadets, 100 soldiers, 100 Canadians 
and 600 Indians, with orders to lie in ambush at a favorable spot, 
which had been reconnoitered the previous evening. The detach- 
ment, before it could reach its place of destination, found itself 
in the presence of the enemy within three leagues of that fort. M. 
de Beaujeu, finding his ambush had failed, decided upon an attack. 
This he made with so much vigor as to astonish the enemy, who 
were waiting for us in the best possible order; but their artillery, 
loaded with grape (a cartouche) having opened fire, our men gave 
way in turn. The Indians, also frightened by the report of the 
cannon rather than by any damage it could inflict, began to 
yield, when M. de Beaujeu was killed. M. Dumas began to en- 
courage his detachment." 

(See Pa. Archives, Sec. Series, Vol. 6, page 256.) 

The French account, just quoted, goes on to state that "the 
enemy left more than 1,000 men on the field of battle;" while, 
in the "Memoirs des Pouchot," Vol. 1, page 37, the following is 
stated : 

"There were counted dead on the battle field six hundred men, 
on the retreat about four hundred; along a little stream three 
hundred. Their total loss was reckoned at twelve hundred and 


seventy . . . The wounded were abandoned, and almost all 
perished in the woods." 

The official reports of the French show that Contrecoeur, 
frightened by the exaggerated statements given him as to the 
number of Braddock's forces, had prepared to surrender Fort 
Duquesne when the British army should arrive at that place. 
Reluctantly did he give assent to any resistance; and when his 
officers selected a place of ambush on the evening of June 8th, 
it was merely to dispute the passes of the Monongahela and to 
annoy and retard the march of Braddock's army. 

In this connection we state that there were few, if any, Dela- 
wares and Shawnees among the Indian allies of the French at Brad- 
dock's defeat. These tribes did not go over to the French to the ex- 
tent of taking up arms against the English until after Braddock's 
defeat. They were simply waiting to see which side would win. 
The Indians with the French at this battle were the Tisagech- 
roann, Chippewas, Ottawas and other tribes from the region of 
the Great Lakes. Contrary to the statements of many historians, 
it may well be doubted that Pontiac commanded the Ottawas at 
this battle. (See W. N. Loudermilk's "History of Cumberland," 
page 177.) It has also been stated that the Seneca chief, Corn- 
planter, fought on the side of the French in this battle. This, too, 
may well be doubted. 

The Retreat— Death of Braddock 

At the time of the battle. Colonel Dunbar, who followed, as 
has been seen, with the heavy artillery and heavy stores, was in 
camp at a place since known as "Dunbar's Camp," and located 
not far from the spot where Jumonville was killed in Washington's 
campaign of 1754. This place is almost fifty miles from the place 
of Braddock's defeat. Dunbar has been greatly criticised on 
account of the slowness with which he followed Braddock; but 
it should be remembered that he had the poorest troops, many 
of whom sickened and died on the way; that he had the heaviest 
stores, and an insufficient number of horses to transport them; 
and that he was almost constantly harrassed by French and In- 
dians, as his poor, jaded horses dragged the heavily laden wagons 
up the mountain sides in the summer heat. Moreover, the In- 
dians got in his rear and cut oflf much of his supplies. 

When General Braddock was carried from the field, he was 
taken to the other side of the Monongahela, where about one 


hundred men had gathered, among them being Washington, the 
aides, Orme and Morris, and Dr. Craik, who here dressed the 
General's wound. This place was about a quarter of a mile from 
the ford. From here Braddock ordered Washington to go to 
Dunbar's camp with orders to send wagons for the wounded, 
hospital stores, provisions and other supplies, escorted by two 
Grenadier companies. Colonel Burton posted sentries here and 
intended to hold the place until he could be reinforced. But 
most of the men took to flight within an hour, and then Burton 
retreated up and across the stream to the camp ground from which 
the army had marched on the morning of that fatal day. Here 
Burton and his companions were joined by Colonel Gage and 
eighty men whom he had rallied. From this place. Burton and 
Gage, uniting their detachments and carrying the wounded 
General with them, marched all that night and the next day, and 
arrived at Gist's Plantation at ten o'clock at night. Around the 
Indian spring at Gist's, on that warm, summer night, the dying 
General and the other wounded lay sleepless and hungry, waiting 
for surgical aid and food from the camp of Dunbar. 

Now, to return to Washington. After receiving the General's 
orders to hasten to Dunbar's camp, he with two companions, 
rode all through the melancholy, dark and rainy night, and ar- 
rived at the camp in the evening of July 10th. But the tidings 
of Braddock's defeat had preceded Washington. These were 
borne by wagoners, who had mounted their horses when the day 
was lost, and fled from the field of battle. Haggard and terrified, 
the Indian yell ringing in their ears, these wagoners had ridden 
into Dunbar's camp at noon, on July 10th, exclaiming, "All is 
lost! Braddock is killed! The troops are cut to pieces!" A 
panic then fell upon the camp, which Washington found still 
prevailing upon his arrival. The orders which he brought with 
him were executed during the night. Early the next morning 
(July 11th), he accompanied the convoy of supplies to Gist's 
Plantation, eleven miles away. Here he found General Brad- 
dock sufi"ering intense agony of body and mind. In this agony 
the dying General's thoughts were on the poor soldiers, who were 
wandering in the woods to die from their wounds, from ex- 
haustion, from starvation, or at the hands of the Indians. 

The wounded were attended to at Gist's on the 1 1th. Then the 
survivors retreated to Dunbar's camp. Here confusion still 
reigned. Orme says in his journal that Dunbar's forces "seemed 


to have forgot all discipline." Dunbar's wagoners were nearly all 
Pennsylvanians, and, like those who were with Braddock, had 
fled, taking the best horses with them. 

All the wagons being needed to carry the wounded, most of 
Dunbar's ammunition and other military stores were destroyed 
and buried to prevent their falling into the hands of the French. 

General Braddock died at the Orchard Camp, west of the 
Great Meadows, during the night of July 13th, and was buried in 
the middle of the road, the troops, horses and wagons passing 
over the grave to obliterate its traces and thus prevent its dese- 
cration by the Indians. Some historians say that the time of the 
burial was before daylight and that Washington read the burial 
service amid the flickering light of torches, after the manner of 
the burial of Sir John Moore. However, Veech, in his "Monon- 
gahela of Old," says the burial took place after daylight, on the 
morning of the 14th. 

After the burial of Braddock, the wreck of his former proud 
array continued its retreat without molestation. Had the French 
known the fear and panic that seized Dunbar's soldiers and that 
no reinforcements were coming, they would no doubt have 
annihilated the remnants of the British forces. 

Hon. William Findley, of Westmoreland County, wrote that 
Washington advised him that he intended to erect a monument at 
the place where Braddock was buried, but had no opportunity 
to do so until after the Revolutionary War; that in 1784, he made 
diligent search for the grave, but could not find it. (See Niles' 
Register, XIV, page 179.) 

Colonel James Burd located the grave in 1759 when on his way 
to Redstone, and said that it was "about two miles from Fort 
Necessity, and about twenty yards from a little hollow, in which 
there was a small stream of water, and over it a bridge." In 
1812, some workmen, under the direction of Abraham Stewart, 
repairing the road at a point near the place mentioned by Colonel 
Burd, unearthed the skeleton and trappings of a British officer. 
These were, very probably, General Braddock's bones. Some of 
the bones were taken away by relic hunters, but all were later 
collected by Mr. Stewart. In 1820, the skeleton was reinterred a 
few rods from the original grave. A monument now marks the 
spot where these bones repose in the soil of the historic county of 
Fayette. Thousands of travelers on the National Pike pause at 
"Braddock's Grave" to pay tribute to the memory of the haughty 
and unfortunate British General. Peace to his ashes! 


Thomas Fossit 

Thomas Fossit (Fausset), a soldier in Braddock's army, said by 
some to have been enlisted at Shippensburg, maintained to the 
end of his long life that he fired the bullet that gave General 
Braddock his mortal wound. Fossit claimed that his brother, 
Joseph, was killed by Braddock for attempting to seek shelter, 
during the battle; whereupon he, in revenge, shot the General. 
For a number of years, Fossit conducted a small tavern not far 
from Braddock's burial place, where he related his story to the 
passing traveler. Some historians, among them Bancroft and 
Egle, accept Fossit's story as true; others give it little or no 
credence. Perhaps the fairest comment to make is to say that 
the truth of the old soldier's statement can be neither proved nor 

Torture of the Prisoners 

James (later Colonel) Smith, a young man eighteen years of 
age, was one of the force of three hundred men, under Colonel 
James Burd, engaged in cutting the Pennsylvania road from Mc- 
Dowell's Mill to Turkey Foot as Braddock was marching on Fort 
Duquesne. At a point four or five miles above Bedford, he was 
captured, about July 5th, by Indian allies of the French and 
carried to Fort Duquesne, where he was a prisoner on the day of 
Braddock's defeat. He gives the following description of the 
happenings at the fort on that dreadful day: 

"Shortly after this, on the 9th day of July, 1755, in the morn- 
ing, I heard a great stir in the fort. As I could then walk with a 
staff in my hand, I went out of the door, which was just by the 
wall of the fort, and stood upon the wall and viewed the Indians 
in a huddle before the gate, where were barrels of powder, bullets, 
flints, &c., and every one taking what suited; I saw the Indians 
also march off in rank entire — likewise the French Canadians, and 
some regulars. After viewing the Indians and French in different 
positions, I computed them to be about four hundred, and won- 
dered that they attempted to go out against Braddock with so 
small a party. I was then in high hopes that I would soon see 
them fly before the British troops, and that General Braddock 
would take the fort and rescue me. 

"I remained anxious to know the advent of this day; and, in 
the afternoon, I again observed a great noise and commotion in 
the fort, and though at that time I could not understand French, 


yet I found that it was the voice of joy and triumph, and feared 
that they had received what I called bad news. 

"I had observed some of the old country soldiers speak Dutch 
[German]; as I spoke Dutch, I went to one of them, and asked 
him, what was the news? He told me that a runner had just 
arrived, who said that Braddock would certainly be defeated; 
that the Indians and French had surrounded him, and were con- 
cealed behind trees and in gullies, and kept a constant fire upon 
the English, and that they saw the English falling in heaps, and if 
they did not take the river, which was the only gap, and make 
their escape, there would not be one man left alive before sun- 
down. Some time after this, I heard a number of scalp halloos, 
and saw a company of Indians and French coming in. I observed 
they had a great many bloody scalps, grenadiers' caps, British 
canteens, bayonets, &c., with them. They brought the news that 
Braddock was defeated. After that, another company came in 
which appeared to be about one hundred, and chiefly Indians, 
and it seemed to me that almost every one of this company was 
carrying scalps; after this, came another company with a number 
of wagon horses, and also a great many scalps. Those that were 
coming in, and those that had arrived, kept a constant firing of 
small arms, and also the great guns in the fort, which were ac- 
companied with the most hideous shouts and yells from all 
quarters; so that it appeared to me as if the infernal regions had 
broke loose. 

"About sundown I beheld a small party coming in with about 
a dozen prisoners, stripped naked, with their hands tied behind 
their backs, and part of their bodies blackened, — these prisoners 
they burned to death on the bank of the Allegheny River opposite 
the fort. I stood on the fort wall until I beheld them begin to 
burn one of these men; they had him tied to a stake, and kept 
touching him with fire-brands, red-hot irons, &c., and he scream- 
ing in the most doleful manner, — the Indians in the meantime 
yelling like infernal spirits. As this scene appeared too shocking 
for me to behold, I retired to my lodgings both sore and sorry." 

This is the first torture of white prisoners by Indians that we 
have seen thus far in this volume. We shall see many others be- 
fore the end of the book. In this connection we state that Hon. 
Warren K. Moorehead, of the United States Board of Indian 
Commissioners, who has made the American Indians a life study, 
believes that they learned their cruel treatment of prisoners from 
the early Spanish explorers. However this may be, certainly the 


Indians never exceeded the Spanish explorers in cruelty. And 
the eternal pages of history will say that the American Indians 
never inflicted more horrible tortures on prisoners, white or red, 
than civilized white men — Christians, both Catholic and Protes- 
tant — inflicted on one another, in religious persecutions only a 
few centuries ago. It is well to keep this great fact of history in 
mind as we read the accounts of Indian tortures. 

But to quote a little more from James Smith's account: 
"When I came into my lodgings, I saw Russel's Seven Ser- 
mons, which they had brought from the field of battle, which a 
Frenchman made a present of to me. From the best information 
I could receive, there were only seven Indians and four French 
killed in this battle, and five hundred British lay dead on the 
field, besides what were killed in the river on their retreat. The 
morning after the battle, I saw Braddock's artillery brought into 
the fort; the same day I also saw several Indians in British 
officers' dress, with sash, half moons, laced hats, &c., which the 
British then wore." 

Smith was a native of Franklin County, Pennsylvania. He 
remained in captivity among the Indians at Fort Duquesne, Ma- 
honing, and Muskingum. He was adopted by his captors. Dur- 
ing his captivity among the Indians, he was carried from place to 
place, spending most of his time at Mahoning and Muskingum. 
In about 1759, he accompanied his Indian relatives to Montreal, 
where he managed to secrete himself on board a French ship. He 
was again taken prisoner and confined for four months, but was 
finally exchanged and reached his home in 1760, to find the sweet- 
heart of his boyhood married, and all his friends and relatives 
supposing him dead. He became a very prominent man on the 
Pennsylvania frontier, and during the Revolution, was a captain 
on the Pennsylvania line, being promoted, in 1778, to the rank of 
colonel. In 1788, he removed to Kentucky, where he at once 
took a prominent part in public affairs, serving in the early Ken- 
tucky conventions and in the legislature. He died in Washington 
County, Kentucky, in 1812, leaving behind him as a legacy to 
historians a very valuable account of his Indian captivity. 

A Final View of the Field 

Let us take a final view of the field of blood and death by the 
limpid waters of the Monongahela. Hundreds of scalped and 
mutilated bodies lie amid the ferns, the laurel, the clinging vines, 


and by the mossy logs of these sylvan shades. They He on the 
bank of the river; they He on the sides of the ravines; they He by 
the rivulets. The ferns, the laurel, the vines, the moss are stained 
with blood. The rivulets run red with blood. Far from the scene 
of battle, bodies lie — bodies of the wounded who dragged them- 
selves deeper into the forest to die, or perished on the flight from 
the scene of slaughter. Soon these bodies will be torn asunder by 
wild beasts. Soon wolves and bears will devour their flesh and 
crunch their bones. Later the voice of lamentation will be heard 
in hundreds of homes, far away from the banks of the Monon- 
gahela — agonizing cries of fathers, of mothers, of sisters, of 
brothers, of wives, of sweethearts of the fallen. For long, sad 
years, the mystic cords of memory and affection, stretching from 
hundreds of homes in Virginia, in Maryland, and across the sea, 
will bind these homes to this Monongahela battle ground — bind 
them until these relatives, wives and sweethearts meet the loved 
and lost in the land where there are no wars, no partings and no 

General Forbes captured Fort Duquesne, on November 25th, 
1 758. Three days later he sent a detachment to bury the bones of 
the soldiers slain at Braddock's defeat. Among those who went 
to the scene of the battle was the then Sir Peter Halket, son of 
the Sir Peter Halket who was killed at the battle, as was also one 
of his sons. Young Sir Peter Halket had accompanied the High- 
landers to America in the hope of finding the bones of his father 
and brother. By interrogating some Indians who had fought 
against Braddock young Sir Peter Halket found one who stated 
that at the massacre he had seen an officer fall near a tree, that a 
young subaltern ran to his assistance, was shot when he reached 
the spot, and fell across the other's body. On hearing the Indian's 
story, Halket had a mournful conviction that the two officers were 
his father and brother. 

Captain West, a brother of the famous painter, Benjamin West, 
piloted by Indians who had been in the battle, led the detachment 
which buried the bones of Braddock's soldiers. In Gait's "Life 
of Benjamin West," we learn that the Indian who told young 
Sir Peter Halket the incident just related, accompanied the latter 
and companions to the scene of the battle. They found the 
ground covered with skeletons. Some were lying across trunks 
of fallen trees. Skulls and bones were scattered on the ground — 
a certain indication that the bodies had been torn asunder and 
devoured by wild beasts. In a short time, the Indian informant 


uttered a cry, announcing that he had found the tree near which 
he had seen the officers fall on the day of battle. Then the 
Indian removed the leaves which thickly covered the ground. 
Presently two skeletons were found, as the Indian had expected, 
lying one across the other. Young Peter Halket then remember- 
ing that his father had an artificial tooth, examined the jaw bones 
of the skeletons for this mark of identification. In a short time he 
exclaimed, "It is my father!" and fell into the arms of his 
companions. The two skeletons, covered with a Highland plaid, 
were then buried together. 

Sargent, one hundred years after Braddock's defeat, published 
his "History of Braddock's Expedition." He describes the ap- 
pearance of the place of battle as then being a tranquil, rural 
landscape of rare charm and beauty, where 
''Peaceful smiles the harvest, 
And stainless flows the tide.'' 

Today, one hundred and seventy-four years after the battle, 
the town of Braddock has replaced the forest of 1755 and the 
rural landscape of 1855. Today the greater part of the battle- 
field is covered by the Edgar Thompson Steel Works, where men 
face the hot furnaces, instead of the rifle of the Indian— where 
men labor amid the clang and roar of machinery, instead of being 
shot down with the blood-curdling yells of the Indians ringing in 
their ears. 

Some of the Survivors 

Among the survivors of the Braddock campaign, were men 
who lived to take a prominent part in the Revolutionary War. 
Colonel Gage who led the advance on the day of battle, was the 
General Gage who led the British forces at Bunker Hill. Captain 
Horatio Gates, who commanded one of the New York indepen- 
dent companies in the Braddock campaign, was the General 
Gates to whom Burgoyne surrendered at Saratoga. Captain 
Hugh Mercer Avho was in the battle on the banks of the Monon- 
gahela, was the General Mercer who laid down his life for the 
American cause at the battle of Princeton. General Daniel 
Morgan, whose famous riflemen from Pennsylvania and Virginia 
rendered the American cause such great service during the 
Revolutionary War, was a teamster in Braddock's army. For 
some real or supposed affront, a haughty British officer caused 
him to be whipped on the bare back. 

Daniel Boone, the famous Kentucky pioneer, was in Brad- 


dock's fatal expedition. (Hanna's Wilderness Trail, Vol. 2, pages 
213 and 214.) 

Effects of Braddock's Defeat 

The news of Braddock's defeat quickly spread throughout the 
settlements of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia and later 
to the other Colonies, filling the hearts of all, especially the in- 
habitants of the frontiers, with dismay. Fear traveled on the 
wings of the wind, bringing terror to those who had believed 
Braddock's proud army to be invincible but now learned that it 
was overwhelmingly defeated. 

The terrified Colonel Dunbar, with 1,800 troops, 300 of whom 
were sick and wounded, continued his retreat to Fort Cumber- 
land, at which place he arrived on July 22nd. About the only 
reason he gave for retreating was that that many of his soldiers 
had lost their clothes in the battle. It was midsummer. Why he 
should attach so much importance to lack of clothes at this time 
of year, as a reason for retreating, especially when he had so great 
a supply of ammunition and other supplies that he had to destroy 
most of the same, is hard to see. Then, on August 2nd, he 
marched away to "winter quarters" at Philadelphia, shamefully 
leaving Fort Cumberland, the only fort on the frontier, with a 
small garrison and four hundred sick and wounded soldiers. On 
October 1st, his army, fifteen hundred strong, took up the march 
from Philadelphia to New York and Albany. When the news of 
Dunbar's cowardly and traitorous action spread throughout the 
settlements, the terror in the log cabins on the frontier was 
greatly increased. 

If, instead of destroying the larger part of his stores and am- 
munition and then retreating, Dunbar had rested his troops and 
gotten reinforcements from Fort Cumberland, he could no doubt 
have captured Fort Duquesne. This is unquestionably what he 
should have done. With reinforcements from Fort Cumberland, 
he would have had about three times as many troops as had the 
French at Fort Duquesne. The French were nearly as badly 
frightened as was he. They expected the British army to be 
reinforced and then return. Moreover, nearly all of their Indian 
allies had returned to their forest homes along the Great Lakes. 
Gist, Scarouady, Montour and the other scouts with Dunbar, 
could easily have ascertained the situation and number of the 
French. Had poor Braddock lived, he would undoubtedly have 
done just what we say Dunbar should have done. 


The news of Dunbar's action soon spread among the Delawares 
and Shawnees. Hesitating no longer, they went over to the 
French and prepared to strike the frontier settlements. The 
Delawares threw off the yoke of subserviency to the Six Nations. 
In doing this, they declared they were no longer "women" but 
MEN with the right to determine their own actions. Soon the 
mountains of Pennsylvania were filled with war parties of Dela- 
wares and Shawnees, coming from the valleys of the Ohio and 
Allegheny. They rushed down the Braddock road into Maryland, 
and killed and scalped settlers almost up to the gates of Fort 
Cumberland. A little later, they entered the Pennsylvania settle- 
ments by way of the various Indian trails, traders' routes and the 
road Colonel Burd had cut to the crest of the Allegheny Moun- 

The bitter fruits of the fraudulent Walking Purchase of 1737 
and the Albany Purchase of 1754 are about to be gathered. The 
Delawares and Shawnees are about to wreak terrible and bloody 
vengeance on defenseless Pennsylvania. In our next chapter, we 
shall see the beginning of their work of blood and death. 

A Final Word as to General Braddock 

General Edward Braddock was born in Perthshire, Scotland, 
in 1695. He became Lieutenant-Colonel, in 1745, Brigadier- 
General, in 1746, and Major-General, in 1754. He fought val- 
iantly at Fontenoy and Culloden. 

General Braddock's principal shortcomings were that he paid 
too little attention to those who warned him of the dangers of 
Indian warfare and that he underestimated the worth of the 
Colonial troops. We have already called attention to the fact 
that he told Benjamin Franklin that it was impossible for the 
Indians to make any impression whatever on the British regulars. 
But it must be remembered that it was natural for him to have 
an exalted opinion of the efficiency of the mode of warfare in 
which he had been schooled since his fifteenth year, at which 
early age he entered the British army as an Ensign in the Cold- 
stream Guards, a very aristocratic division of the army, the body- 
guard of British Royalty. He could hardly be expected suddenly 
to adopt a radically different mode of warfare in his sixtieth year. 

His Secretary, William Shirley, son of Governor Shirley, of 
Massachusetts, wrote Governor Morris, of Pennsylvania, from 
Fort Cumberland, almost a month before the army left that 


place for Fort Duquesne: "We have a general most judiciously 
chosen for being disqualified for the service he is employed in, in 
almost every respect." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, page 405.) Wash- 
ington, too, criticised him "for want of that temper and modera- 
tion which should be used by a man of sense" and for being in- 
capable of arguing military questions without inordinate warmth 
of feeling. (Washington's letter of June 7th, 1755, to William 
Fairfax.) Also, the Indian chief, Scarouady, at a meeting of the 
Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, on August 22nd, 1755, com- 
plained to Governor Morris concerning Braddock: "It is now well 
known to you how unhappily we have been defeated by the 
French near Monongahela. We must let you know that it was 
the pride and ignorance of that great general that came from 
England. He is now dead; but he was a bad man when he was 
alive; he looked upon us [the Indians who were with Braddock] 
as dogs; would never hear anything that was said to him. We 
often endeavored to advise him, and to tell him of the danger he 
v/as in with his soldiers; but he never appeared pleased with us, 
and that was the reason a great many of our warriors left him, 
and would not be under his command." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, 
page 589.) 

Bitterly criticised in life, reproach did not spare the unfortunate 
Braddock in his grave. In both England and America, the 
failure of the expedition was attributed to his obstinacy, pedantry 
and conceit. But the mistakes of a man who fails are always 
magnified. Furthermore, his bitterest critics and defamers were 
compelled to admit his bravery. He was as brave as the bravest 
of the brave. Nor was he without kindness of heart. Before he 
closed his eyes in death, in that Allegheny Mountain camp, he 
acknowledged his mistake in not heeding the advice of Washing- 
ton to order the British regulars to fight the Indians in the manner 
of the Virginia troops. "We shall know better how to deal with 
them another time," he said. It is also said that, in the shadows 
of the receding world, he bequeathed Washington his favorite 
charger and his body servant, Bishop, an evidence of his affection 
for the Virginia youth. And we call attention to the fact that 
Washington, in mature years, after his military judgement had 
been strengthened and broadened amid the mighty throes of 
the American Revolution, said the following of his former 
General : 

"True, he was unfortunate, but his character was much too 
severely treated. He was one of the honestest and best men of 


the British officers. Even in the manner of fighting he was not 
more to blame than others, for of all that were consulted, only 
one person [probably, Washington, himself] objected to it. He 
was both my General and my physician." 

General Braddock and the soldiers who went down to death 
in his campaign against Fort Duquesne, did not die in vain. 
From the time of his bloody defeat, the frontiersmen of Virginia, 
Maryland and the other American Colonies, had no doubt that 
they were the equal of the British regulars. Therefore, they did 
not fear to take up arms against them later on, in resisting British 
tyranny. It is not too much to say, then, that Braddock's defeat 
was the first step in the direction of American independence — 
that, in the Providence of God, his defeat was one of the links in 
the chain of events that led to American independence — that, 
out of that travail of blood and death on the banks of the Monon- 
gahela, was born the greatest Nation that ever stepped forth 
upon the stage of time. 


''No farther seek his merits to disclose, 
Or draw his frailties from their dread abode.'' 

Let us hope that, after the warfare of life, General Braddock 
and those who criticised him so severely, have reached a common 
consummation. Let us hope that his soul and theirs found the 
golden key that unlocked the palace of a peaceful eternity. 


The First Delaware Invasion 

IT is the autumn of 1755. By this time, nearly all the Dela- 
wares and Shawnees have gone over to the French. They are 
about to invade the Pennsylvania settlements with rifle, toma- 
hawk and scalping knife. The storm which has been gathering 
in the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny, is about to pass over the 
Allegheny Mountains and deluge the frontiers with indescribable 

But, before taking up the recital of the massacres of the autumn 
of 1755, let us again call attention to the defenseless condition of 
the Pennsylvania frontier. When Governor Morris of Penn- 
sylvania, learned that Colonel Dunbar was bringing his army to 
Philadelphia to go into "winter quarters" in midsummer, leaving 
the Pennsylvania frontier exposed and unprotected, he was 
astounded, and wrote Governor Shirley of Massachusetts to this 
effect. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, page 513.) Shirley was now com- 
mander-in-chiefs, after the death of Braddock. Furthermore, 
Governor Morris wrote Dunbar, urging him to keep his army on 
the frontiers for the protection of the settlers. Colonel James 
Burd urged the same in an interview with Dunbar at Cumber- 
land. When Governor Shirley received the information that 
Dunbar intended to march to Philadelphia, he wrote that there 
never was any thing equal to Braddock's defeat "unless the re- 
treat of the 1,500 men and the scheme of going into Winter 
Quarters when his Majesty's Service stands so much in need of 
the troops." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, page 548.) Then, on August 
6th, Governor Shirley ordered Dunbar to proceed to Albany, New 
York, with his troops. Six days later, he ordered him, with the 
assistance of troops to be raised in Pennsylvania, to attack Fort 
Duquesne and Fort Presu' Isle, and, in case of failure in both 
these attempts, then to make such a disposition of his troops as 
to protect the frontiers of Pennsylvania, especially in the neigh- 
borhood of Shippensburg, Carlisle and McDowell's Mill. In these 
orders of August 12th, Shirley told him that, should he, "through 


any unforeseen Accident," find it "absolutely impracticable" to 
put them into execution, then he was to carry out the orders of 
August 6th, and come to Albany. The orders of August 6th were 
the orders Dunbar found "practicable." He led his army from 
Philadelphia to New York, as was seen in the preceding chapter. 
Furthermore, Governor Morris was not able to raise troops in 
Pennsylvania, and wrote Governor Shirley, on August 19th, tell- 
ing him that "uncommon pains have been taken by the Quakers 
to dissuade the people from taking up arms upon the present 
occasion," and explaining that a great majority of the Pennsyl- 
vania Assembly were Quakers. Such was the state of affairs in 
Pennsylvania when the Delawares and Shawnees, in the autumn 
of 1755, began their bloody invasion of the frontier settlements. 
(See Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 558 to 563.) 

On October 9th, George Croghan wrote from Aughwick to 
Charles Swaine at Shippensburg that a friendly Indian, coming 
from the Ohio, warned him that one hundred and sixty Indians 
were ready to set out for the Pennsylvania settlements. (Pa. Col. 
Rec, Vol. 6, page 642.) This Indian gave it as his opinion that 
these Indians would attack the Province as soon as they could 
persuade the Indians on the Susquehanna to join them. Said 
Croghan: "He desires me, as soon as I see the Indians remove 
from Susquehanna back to Ohio, to shift my quarters, for he says 
that the French will, if possible, lay all the back frontiers in ruins 
this Winter." In a postscript to this letter, Croghan asks for 
guns and powder, and says that he is building a stockade, which 
he expects to complete by the middle of the next week. 

Penn's Creek Massacre 

On October 16th, 1755, just one week after George Croghan 
wrote the foregoing letter, began the terrible massacre of the 
German settlers along Penn's Creek, which empties into the Sus- 
quehanna near Selinsgrove, Snyder County — the first Indian 
outrage in Pennsylvania, after Braddock's defeat, and the first 
actual violation, by the Delawares, of the treaty of peace which 
William Penn entered into with the great Tamanend shortly 
after his arrival in the Province. The massacre extended from a 
point near New Berlin, Union County to a point near Selinsgrove, 
and lasted for two days, according to the statements of Barbara 
Leininger and Marie le Roy (Mary King), two girls captured on 
this occasion. The Indians, fourteen in number, and all Dela- 


wares, came from the Allegheny Valley, principally from Kit- 
tanning, over the trail used by the Delawares in their first great 
exodus from the region of Shamokin to the valleys of the Ohio 
and Allegheny, One of the leaders of the Indian band was the 
chief, Keckenepaulin, who lived for some time near Jenners' Cross 
Roads, in Somerset County, and whose name has been applied 
to the Shawnee town at the mouth of the Loyalhanna, possibly 
due to the fact that he resided there for a time. Other members 
of the band were Joseph Compass, young James Compass, young 
Thomas Hickman, Kalasquay, Souchy, Machynego and Katooch- 

The first account of this massacre was given by John Harris 
(later founder of Harrisburg), writing from his trading house at 
Paxtang (Harrisburg), to Governor Morris, on October 20th: 

"I was informed last night by a person that came down our 
river that there was a Dutch [German] woman who had made her 
escape to George Gabriel's, [near Selinsgrove], and informs that 
last Friday Evening on her way home from this Settlement to 
Mahanoy [Penn's Creek] where her family lived, she called at a 
Neighbor's House and saw two persons laying by the door of said 
house murdered and scalped, that there were some Dutch [Ger- 
man] familys that lived near left their places immediately, not 
thinking it safe to stay any longer. It's the opinion of the people 
up the river that the familys on Penn's Creek, being but scattered, 
that few in number are killed or carried off, except the above said 
woman, the certainty of which will soon be known, as there are 
some men gone out to bury the dead." (Pa. Col. Rec. Vol. 6, 
page 645.) 

In a postscript to the above letter, Harris says that a man has 
just arrived with additional information as to the number of 
settlers killed and captured along Penn's Creek. He adds that 
the Indians at Paxtang, mostly of the Six Nations, urge the Gover- 
nor to put the Province in a state of defense. Their chief, Belt 
of Wampum, strongly insisted on this. Then Conrad Weiser, on 
October 22nd, wrote from Reading to the Governor, stating that 
information has been received that six families have been mur- 
dered on Penn's Creek, about four miles from its mouth; that 
altogether twenty-eight are missing; that the people of those 
parts are leaving their plantations in consternation, and that two 
of his sons have gone to Penn's Creek to help one of their cousins 
and his family escape with their lives. 

On the same day (October 20th), the following petition of the 


inhabitants "living near the mouth of Penn's Creek on the West 
side of the Susquehanna," signed by seventeen, giving some of 
the details of the massacre, was sent the Governor: 

"That on or about the sixteen of this instant, October, the 
Enemy came down upon the said Creek and killed, scalped and 
carried away all the men, women and children, amounting to 
25 persons in number, and wounded one man who fortunately 
made his escape and brought us the news; whereupon we, the 
Subscribers, went out and buried the dead, whom we found most 
barbarously murdered and scalped. We found but 13, which 
were men and elderly women, and one child of two weeks old, the 
rest being young women and children we suppose to be carried 
away prisoners; the House (where we suppose they finished their 
Murder), we found burnt up, and the man of it, named Jacob 
King, a Swissar, lying just by it; he lay on his back barbarously 
burnt and two Tomahawks sticking in his forehead; one of the 
tomahawks, marked newly with W. D., we have sent to your 
Honour. The terror of which has drove away almost all these 
back inhabitants except us, the Subscribers, with a few more who 
are willing to stay and endeavor to defend the land; but as we 
are not able of ourselves to defend it for want of Guns and Ammu- 
nition, and but few in number, so that, without assistance we must 
fly and leave the Country at the mercy of the Enemy." (Pa. Col. 
Rec, Vol. 6, pages 647-648.) 

The persons captured during this horrible massacre were: 
Barbara Leininger, Rachel (Regina) Leininger, Marie le Roy, 
Jacob le Roy, Marian Wheeler, Hanna, wife of Jacob Breylinger, 
and two of their children, one of whom died at Kittanning of 
starvation, Peter Lick and his two sons, John and William. (Pa. 
Archives, Vol. 3, page 633.) 

Barbara Leininger and Marie le Roy were neighbor girls, aged 
about twelve years, living about one half mile apart and near the 
present town of New Berlin, Marie le Roy was a daughter of 
Jean Jaques le Roy, alias Jacob King, one of the victims of the 
massacre. The Indians took these girls and others with them. 
When they arrived at Chinklacamoose (Clearfield), Marie's 
brother Jacob was left with the Delawares of that place. The 
Indians then took the two girls to Punxsutawney, thence to 
Kittanning, at which place they arrived in December and re- 
mained until after Colonel John Armstrong destroyed this noted 
Delaware town, September 8th, 1756. Here they were compelled 
to witness the torture of some English prisoners. In their "Nar- 


rative," found in Pa. Ar., Sec. Series Vol. 7, pages 401 to 412, they 
describe one of these tortures, that of a woman who had attempted 
to escape. It is a shocking recital. After the woman was dead, 

"an English soldier, named John , who escaped from prison 

at Lancaster, and joined the French, had a piece of flesh cut from 
her body, and ate it." 

Barbara and Marie were taken to Fort Duquesne soon after 
Colonel Armstrong's expedition, where they remained for two 
months. They say that the French at the fort tried to persuade 
them to leave the Indians captors and stay with them, but that 
they "could not abide the French," and felt that they were better 
off among the Indians. From Fort Duquesne, they were taken 
to Sauconk, at the mouth of the Beaver, where they remained 
until the spring of 1757, when they were taken up the Beaver to 
Kuskuskies. They were among the Delawares at Kuskuskies 
when Christian Frederick Post visited that place, in the autumn 
of 1758, on his peace mission to the Western Delawares. They 
met him, but the Indians did not permit them to speak with him. 
Shortly after General Forbes captured Fort Duquesne, on Novem- 
ber 25th, 1758, they were taken to the Muskingum, to which 
place the Delawares then fled from Sauconk,, Logstown, Kus- 
kuskies, Shenango (located on the Shenango River, just below the 
town of Sharon, Mercer County) and other Indian towns in 
Western Pennsylvania. From Muskingum, the girls made their 
escape, on March 16th, 1759, coming to the newly erected Fort 
Pitt, thence by way of Ligonier, Bedford and Carlisle to Phila- 
delphia, at which place they arrived on May 6th, being conducted 
part of the way from Fort Pitt by soldiers commanded by Captain 
Samuel Weiser, son of the famous Indian interpreter of Pennsyl- 
vania, Conrad Weiser. After arriving at Philadelphia, they 
appeared before the Provincial Council, and gave an account of 
their terrible experiences. (See Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, page 633.) 
Later they published their "Narrative," from which we quote the 
following about the Penn's Creek massacre: 

"Early in the morning of the 16th of October, 1755, while 
le Roy's [the father of Marie] hired man went out to fetch the 
cows, he heard the Indians shooting six times. Soon after, eight 
of them came to the house, and killed Barbara (Marie) le Roy's 
father with tomahawks. Her brother defended himself des- 
perately for a time, but was at last overpowered. The Indians did 
not kill him, but took him prisoner, together with Marie le Roy 
and a little girl who was staying with the family. Thereupon 


they plundered the homestead, and set it on fire. Into this fire 
they laid the body of the murdered father, feet foremost, until it 
was half consumed. The upper half was left lying on the ground, 
with the two tomahawks with which they had killed him, sticking 
in his head. Then they kindled another fire, not far from the 
house. While sitting around it, a neighbor of le Roy, named 
Bastian, happened to pass by on horseback. He was immediately 
shot down and scalped. 

"Two of the Indians now went to the house of Barbara Leinin- 
ger, where they found her father, her brother, and her sister, 
Regina. Her mother had gone to the mill. They demanded rum, 
but there was none in the house. They then called for tobacco, 
which was given them. Having filled and smoked a pipe, they 
said: 'We are Allegheny Indians, and your enemies. You must 
all die!' Thereupon, they shot her father, tomahawked her 
brother, who was twenty years of age, took Barbara and her 
sister Regina prisoners, and conveyed them into the forest for 
about a mile. They were soon joined by the other Indians, with 
Marie le Roy and the little girl. 

"Not long after, several of the Indians led the prisoners to the 
top of a high hill, near the two plantations. Toward evening the 
rest of the savages returned with six fresh and bloody scalps, 
which they threw at the feet of the poor captives, saying that they 
had a good hunt that day. 

"The next morning we were taken about two miles further 
into the forest, while the most of the Indians again went out to 
kill and plunder. Toward evening they returned with nine scalps 
and five prisoners. 

"On the third day the whole band came together and divided 
the spoils. In addition to large quantities of provisions, they had 
taken fourteen horses and ten prisoners, namely: One man, one 
woman, five girls and three boys. We two girls, as also two of 
the horses, fell to the share of an Indian named Galasko. We 
traveled with our new master for two days. He was tolerably 
kind, and allowed us to ride all the way, while he and the rest of 
the Indians walked." 

It is significant that the Penn's Creek Massacre took place 
almost on the line of the Albany Purchase of July, 1754, which 
so offended the Delawares and Shawnees. It is said that the line 
would have passed through the land of Jacob King, alias le Roy. 
The Penn's Creek settlers had come to this place in 1754. 

Also, it is a strange anomaly in the record of Pennsylvania's 


relations with the Indians that the first blow struck by the Indians 
against the Province fell upon the German settlers, who had 
always treated the Indian kindly. While others went to the 
Indian "with a musket in one hand and a bottle of rum in the 
other," the German settlers on the border land did not cheat him 
or take advantage of him in any way. There is no sublimer 
chapter in American history than the account, for instance, of 
the efforts of the Moravian Missionaries, Germans, to win the 
Indians of Pennsylvania to the Christian faith. 

Attack on John Harris 

On October 23d, John Harris, Thomas Forster, Captain McKee 
and Adam Terence went from Harris' trading house at Paxtang 
to Penn's Creek, with a force of between forty and fifty men, to 
bury the dead of the massacre of October 16th and 17th. When 
they arrived, they found that this had already been done. They 
then decided to return immediately to the settlement at Paxtang, 
but were urged by John Shikellamy, son of the vice-gerent of the 
Six Nations, and the Belt of Wampum, (or the Belt, also called 
White Thunder), a Seneca chief, to go to Shamokin (Sunbury), 
about five miles farther up the Susquehanna, in order to ascertain 
the feelings of the Indians at that place, which they did. 

Harris and his companions found many strange Delawares at 
Shamokin, all painted black, Andrew Montour being with them 
and also painted black. These Delawares had come from the 
valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny to advise the Delawares at 
Shamokin and other places on the Susquehanna that the Dela- 
wares of the Ohio and Allegheny had taken up arms against the 
English, and to warn all those of this tribe on the Susquehanna 
who would not join them to move away. 

Harris and his men spent the night (October 24th) at Shamokin. 
In the night time, Adam Terrence overheard Delawares talking 
as follows: "What are the English [Harris and his men] come here 
for? To kill us, I suppose. Can't we then send off some of our 
nimble young men to give our friends notice that will soon be 
here." Then, after they had sung a war song, four of them went 
off, well armed, in two canoes, one across the Susquehanna and 
the other down the river. 

At this point, we call attention to the fact that, after the 
councils held at Shamokin that night and later, the hostile Dela- 
wares gathered at Nescopeck, at the mouth of the creek of the 


same name, in Luzerne County, where later many a bloody ex- 
pedition was planned by Shingas, Captain Jacobs, Teedyuscung 
and other of their chiefs. Also, at the time of these councils at 
Shamokin, the Moravian missionary, Keifer, was residing at that 
place, exposed to imminent danger, whereupon the friendly 
Shawnee chief, Paxinosa, of Wyoming, sent two of his sons who 
rescued the missionary and conducted him safely to the Moravian 
mission at Gnadenhuetten. 

But to return to Harris and his band. They left Shamokin on 
the morning of October 25th. Before leaving they were advised 
by Scarouady and Andrew Montour, who were present, not to 
follow the western side of the river on their return. However, 
disregarding this advice, they marched down the west side of the 
river. When they reached the mouth of Penn's Creek, they were 
fired upon by Delawares hidden in the bushes. Harris describes 
the attack as follows : 

"We were attacked by about twenty or thirty Indians, received 
their fire, and about fifteen of our men and myself took to the 
trees and attacked the villians, killed four of them on the spot, 
and lost but three men, retreating about half a mile through the 
woods and crossing the Susquehanna, one of which was shot from 
off an horse, riding behind myself through the river. My horse 
before was wounded, and falling in the river, I was obliged to 
quit and swim part of the way. Four or five of our men were 
drowned crossing the river." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 654, 

John Harris gave the above account in a letter written to 
Governor Morris, on October 28th. He adds: 

"The old Belt of Wampum promised me at Shamokin to send 
out spies to view the enemy, and upon his hearing of our Skirmish 
was in a rage, gathered up 30 Indians immediately and went 
in pursuit of the enemy, I am this day informed . . . The Indians 
are all assembling themselves at Shamokin to counsel; a large 
body of them were there four days ago. I cannot learn their in- 
tentions, but it seems Andrew Montour and Scarouady are to 
bring down the news from them. There is not a sufficient num- 
ber of them to oppose the enemy ; and perhaps they will all join 
the enemy against us. There is no dependence on Indians, and 
we are in imminent danger. 

"I got information from Andrew Montour and others that there 
is a body of French with fifteen hundred Indians coming upon us, 
— Picks, Ottawas, Orandox, Delawares, Shawnees, and a number 


of the Six Nations, — and are not many days march from this 
Province and Virginia, which are appointed to be attacked. At 
the same time, some of the Shawnee Indians seem friendly, and 
others appear Hke enemies. Montour knew many days ago of 
the Indians being on their march against us before he informed; 
for which I said as much to him as I thought prudent, considering 
the place I was in." 

"I just now received information that there was a French 
Officer, supposed to be a Captain, with a party of Shawonese, 
Delawares, etc., within six miles of the Shamokin two days ago, 
and no doubt intends to take possession of it, which will be of 
dreadful consequence to us if suffered. The inhabitants are 
abandoning their plantations, and we are in a dreadful situation." 

Then in a postscript, he says: "The night ensuing our attack 
the Indians burnt all George Gabriel's Houses, danced around 
them, etc." 

The report to the effect that there was a "body of French with 
fifteen hundred Indians" on the march from the Ohio to the 
Pennsylvania settlements was but one of the rumors that, at that 
dreadful time, filled the unprotected frontier with terror. 

Massacre on East Side of the Susquehanna 

On the same day that the Delawares made the attack on John 
Harris, or probably the next day, they crossed the Susquehanna 
and killed many settlers from Thomas McKee's to Hunter's Mill. 
Conrad Weiser, in a letter, written from his home near Womels- 
dorf to James Reed at Reading late in the night of October 26th, 
describes this incursion as follows: 

"This evening, about an hour ago, I received the news of the 
Enemy having crossed the Susquehanna and killed a great many 
people from Thomas McKee's down to Hunter's Mill. Mr. 
Elders [the Rev. John Elder, pastor of the Presbyterian Church 
at Paxtang, later Colonel], the minister of Paxton, wrote this to 
another Presbyterian Minister in the neighborhood of Adam Reed 
Esq." (Squire Adam Read who lived on Swatara Creek.) (Pa. 
Col. Rec, Vol. 6, page 650.) 

Learning of this incursion so closely following the Penn's Creek 
massacre and the attack on his party, John Harris nevertheless 
determined not to flee. On October 29ch, (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, 
page 656), he wrote Edward Shippen, of Lancaster, that he had 
that day cut holes in his trading house and "determined to hold 


out to the last extremity." "We expect the Enemy upon us every 
day, and the Inhabitants are abandoning their Plantations," 
further wrote Harris, in his letter. 

Attention is called to the fact that in this same letter John 
Harris urged the erection of a fort at some "convenient place up 
the Susquehannah," as a gathering place for friendly Delawares 
on this river as well a place for the defense of the Province by its 
white inhabitants. In doing this he was in line with the urgent 
request of the Belt, the friendly Seneca. There is no doubt that 
the lack of such a fort had much to do with the going over to the 
French of many Delawares and Shawnees on the Susquehanna, 
who otherwise would have remained at peace with Pennsylvania. 
The English trade was blotted out by the French, who, after 
having gotten complete possession of the Ohio and Allegheny 
and the allegiance of the Delawares and Shawnees of their 
valleys, were now planning to take possession of the Susquehanna 
and erect a fort at Shamokin. The French and their Indian 
allies had the supplies the Delawares and Shawnees on the 
Susquehanna so sorely need, and being unable to get ammunition 
and other supplies from the English, many of the Indians on the 
Susquehanna now turned to the French. 

Weiser Plans Defense of the Province 

The news of the massacres at Penn's Creek and its vicinity 
spread fast, and from a letter written from Reading by Conrad 
Weiser to Governor Morris on October 30th, (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 
6, pages 656-659), we find that he immediately alarmed the 
settlers of Berks County. The farmers, to the number of more 
than two hundred, armed with guns, swords, axes, pitchforks and 
whatever they chanced to possess, gathered at Benjamin Spicker's 
near Stouchsburg, about six miles from Weiser's home. Weiser 
sent privately for Rev. J. N. Kurtz, a Lutheran clergyman, who 
resided about a mile from Spicker's, and after an exhortation and 
prayer by this clergyman, the farmers were divided into com- 
panies of thirty, each under a captain selected by themselves. 
Weiser then took up his march towards the Susquehanna in the 
early morning of October 28th, having sent fifty men "to Tolheo 
in order to possess themselves of the Capes or Narrows of Swaha- 
tawro, where we expected the enemy would come through." These 
carried a letter from Weiser to William Parsons, who happened to 


be at his plantation. Weiser's force increased rapidly in number 
on the way, and at ten o'clock (October 28th), reached Adam 
Read's on Swatara Creek, in East Hanover Township, Lebanon 
County. Here intelligence was received of the attack on John 
Harris and his party who had gone to bury the dead of the Penn's 
Creek Massacre. This news dampened the ardor of Weiser's men, 
and they concluded that they could afiford more protection to 
their families by remaining at home. They accordingly wended 
their way back to their homes, hearing a rumor as they were re- 
turning, that the Indians had already made their way through 
Tolheo Gap and killed a number of people. 

William Parsons received the letter sent him by Weiser. In a 
letter, found in Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, page 443, he tells that he met 
the advance guard of Weiser's forces, and advised them to make a 
breastwork of trees at Swatara Gap. They went as far as the top 
of the mountain, fired their guns in the air, and then came back, 
firing the whole way to the terror of the inhabitants. Presently 
came the news of the murder of a certain Henry Hartman, who 
lived over the mountain just beyond Swatara Gap. As Mr. 
Parsons and a party were on their way to bury Hartman 's body, 
they were told of two more men who had recently been killed and 
scalped, and of several others who were missing. It was a terrible 
time. The roads were filled with settlers fleeing from their homes. 
Confusion reigned supreme. Though the settlers lacked military 
experience, they were, at heart, brave and true men. Governor 
Morris, on October 31st, answered Weiser's letter of October 30th, 
commending his conduct and zeal, and enclosing him a commis- 
sion as Colonel that he might have greater authority in those 
trying times. A few days later, Weiser accompanied Scarouady, 
Andrew Montour and "drunken Zigrea" to Philadelphia, where 
Scarouady held the important conferences with Governor Morris, 
on November 8th to 14th, described later in this history. 

Benjamin Spicker or Spycker, above mentioned, lived in what 
is now Jackson Township, Lebanon County, not far from the 
Berks County line. Several miles west of Spicker's and a short 
distance east of Myerstown, Lebanon County, was the fortified 
house of Philip Breitenbach. On several occasions, when there 
were Indian alarms, Mr. Breitenbach took a drum and beat it on 
a little hill near his house, to collect his neighbors from their labors 
into the blockhouse. On one occasion, the Indians pursued them 
so close to the blockhouse that one of the inmates shot one of the 
red men dead on the spot. 


Regina, the German Captive 

We close this chapter with the interesting narrative of "Regina, 
the German Captive," first quoting it as it appears in "The 
Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania," and then adding some com- 
ments which show that its inclusion in the present chapter is not 
inappropriate. The story is as follows: 

"The Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg [a son-in-law of Con- 
rad Weiser] relates in the 'Hallische Nachrichten,' page 1029, a 
touching incident, which has been frequently told, but is so 
'apropos' to this record that it should not be omitted. It was of 
the widow of John Hartman who called at his house in February, 
1765, who had been a member of one of Rev. Kurtz's [a Lutheran 
pastor in Berks County] congregations. She and her husband 
had emigrated to this country from Reutlingen, Wurtemberg, and 
settled on the frontiers of Lebanon County. The Indians fell 
upon them in October, 1755, killed her husband, one of the sons, 
and carried off two small daughters into captivity, whilst she and 
the other son were absent. On her return she found the home in 
ashes, and her family either dead or lost to her, whereupon she 
fled to the interior settlements at Tulpehocken and remained 

"The sequel to this occurrence is exceedingly interesting The 
two girls were taken away. It was never known what became of 
Barbara, the elder, but Regina, with another little girl two years 
old, were given to an old Indian women, who treated them very 
harshly. In the absence of her son, who supplied them with food, 
she drove the children into the woods to gather herbs and roots 
to eat, and, when they failed to get enough, beat them cruelly. 
So they lived until Regina was about nineteen years old and the 
other girl eleven. Her mother was a good Christian woman, and 
had taught her daughters their prayers, together with many texts 
from the Scriptures, and their beautiful German hymns, much of 
which clung to her memory during all these years of captivity. 

"At last, in the providence of God, Colonel Bouquet brought 
the Indians under subjection in 1764, [at the end of Pontiac's 
War] and obliged them to give up their captives. More than two 
hundred of these unfortunate beings were gathered together at 
Carlisle, amongst them the two girls, and notices were sent all 
over the country for those who had lost friends and relatives, of 
that fact. Parents and husbands came, in some instances, 
hundreds of miles, in the hope of recovering those they had lost, 


the widow being one of the number. There were many joyful 
scenes, but more sad ones. So many changes had taken place, 
that in many instances, recognition seemed impossible. This was 
the case with the widow. She went up and down the long line, 
but, in the young women who stood before her, dressed in Indian 
costume, she failed to recognize the little girls she had lost. As 
she tood, gazing and weeping, Colonel Bouquet compassionately 
suggested that she do something which might recall the past to 
her children. She could think of nothing but a hymn which was 
formerly a favorite with the little ones: 

'AUein, und doch nicht ganz allein. 

Bin ich in meiner Einsamkeit.' 
[The English translation of the first stanza of this hymn is as 
follows : 

'Alone, yet not alone am I, 

Though in this solitude so drear; 

I feel my Saviour always nigh. 

He comes the very hour to cheer; 

I am with Him, and He with me. 

E'en here alone I cannot be.' ] 

"She commenced singing, in German, but had barely completed 
two lines, when poor Regina rushed from the crowd, began to 
sing also and threw her arms around her mother. They both 
wept for joy and the Colonel gave the daughter up to her mother. 
But the other girl had no parents, they having probably been 
murdered. She clung to Regina and begged to be taken home 
with her. Poor as was the widow she could not resist the appeal 
and the three departed together." 

The foregoing account is all based on the original account 
written by the Rev. Henry Melchior, Muhlenberg, D.D., in his 
"Hallische Nachrichten," with the exception of the family name 
of the mother and daughter. Muhlenberg does not give the name 
of the family and does not definitely give the location of the 
tragedy. In time the belief became quite general among Penn- 
sylvania historians that Regina was a daughter of John Hartman, 
born June 20th, 1710, and that the scene of the tragedy is at or 
near the site of the town of Orwigsburg, Schuylkill County. 

Captain H. M. M. Richards, a descendant of Muhlenberg, con- 
tends in his "The Pennsylvania-German in the French and Indian 
War" (Vol. XV of the Publications of the Pennsylvania German 
Society), that Regina was none other than Regina Leininger, who, 


as we have seen, was captured at the Penn's Creek massacre of 
October 16th, 1755, the very date Muhlenberg gives as the date 
of the tragedy described in his account. In addition to the date 
of the alleged Hartman tragedy being the same as the date of 
the Leininger tragedy, the following points of similarity in the 
narrative of Rev. Muhlenberg and the narrative of Marie Le 
Roy and Barbara Leininger will be noted: In each tragedy, the 
mother was absent, the father was killed, a son was killed and 
two daughters, one named Regina and the other Barbara, were 

Furthermore, Muhlenberg says that the father "was already 
advanced in years, and too feeble to endure hard labor;" but 
John Hartman would have been only forty-five years old at the 
time of the tragedy. Also, there is no record of Indian outrages 
east of the Susquehanna until after the attack on John Harris 
(October, 25th), and none in the neighborhood of Orwigsburg 
until at least the middle of November. 

We believe that any one who will closely compare the narrative 
of Barbara Leininger and Marie le Roy with Muhlenberg's ac- 
count will agree with Captain Richards that each narrative 
describes the same tragedy — that Regina "Hartman" was Regina 
Leininger, and that she became permanently separated from her 
sister Barbara at the time of the flight of the Indians and their 
captives from Kuskuskies to the Muskingum, after General 
Forbes captured Fort Duquesne. 

"Regina, the German Captive," and her mother are said to be 
buried in Christ Lutheran Cemetery, near Stouchsburg, Berks 
County. Whether or not the dust of this daughter of the Penn- 
sylvania frontier reposes in this cemetery, and whether her 
name was Regina Leininger or Regina Hartman, God knows 
where she sleeps and has written her name in his book of ever- 
lasting remembrance. 


Invasion of Great and Little Coves 
and the Conolloways 

ON October 31st, 1755, one hundred Delawares and Shawnees 
from the Ohio and Allegheny began an invasion of the Scotch 
Irish settlements in the Great or Big Cove and along the Big and 
Little Conolloway Creeks in Fulton County and the Little Cove 
in Franklin County. This incursion lasted for several days and 
virtually blotted out these settlements. Of the ninety-three 
settlers in the Great Cove, forty-seven were killed and captured. 
No pen can describe the horrors of this bloody incursion. In- 
furiated Indians dashed out the brains of little children against 
the door-posts of cabins of the settlers in the presence of shrieking 
mothers, and, it is said, in some cases, cut off the heads of children 
and drank their warm blood. Wives and mothers were tied to 
trees, and compelled to witness the torture of their husbands and 
children. One woman, over ninety years of age, was found with 
her breasts cut ofif and a stake driven through her body. Scores 
of houses and barns were burned. Horses and cattle were killed 
or driven off. The captured settlers were taken to Kittanning 
and other Delaware and Shawnee towns in the valleys of the 
Allegheny and Ohio, and later to the Tuscarawas and Muskin- 
gum, few of whom ever returned. 

The leader of the Indians was Shingas, the "Delaware King," 
a brother of King Beaver or Tamaque, and Pisquetomen and said 
by some authorities to have been a nephew of the great Sassoonan, 
or Allumapees. This was the first of those incursions which made 
the name of Shingas "a terror to the frontier settlements of 
Pennsylvania." Heckewelder says of him: "Were his war ex- 
ploits all on record, they would form an interesting document, 
though a shocking one. Conococheague, Big Cove, Sherman's 
Valley and other settlements along the frontier felt his strong 
arm sufficiently that he was a bloody warrior, cruel his treat- 


ment, relentless his fury. His person was small, but in point of 
courage and activity, savage prowess, he was said to have never 
been exceeded by any one." Yet Heckewelder further says that, 
though Shingas was terrible and vindictive in battle, he was 
nevertheless kind to prisoners whose lives he intended to spare. 
"One day," he says, "in the summer of 1762, while passing with 
him [Shingas] near by where two prisoners of his, boys about 
twelve years of age, were amusing themselves with his own boys, 
as the chief observed that my attention was arrested by them, he 
asked me at what I was looking. Telling him in reply that I was 
looking at his prisoners, he said: 'When I first took them, they 
were such ; but now they and my children eat their food from the 
same bowl, or dish.* Which was equivalent to saying that they 
were, in all respects, on an equal footing with his own children, or 
alike dear to him." Shingas was at that time living on the 

But let us return to the scenes of blood and death in the Coves 
and along the Conolloways. The following letters vividly tell 
the story of this incursion : 

Benjamin Chambers (later Colonel), writing from his home at 
Falling Springs, now Chambersburg, Franklin County, on Nov- 
ember 2nd, "to the inhabitants of the lower part of the County of 
Cumberland," tells of this bloody incursion as follows: 

"If you intend to go to the assistance of your neighbours, you 
need wait any longer for the certainty of the news. The Great 
Cove is destroyed ; James Campbell left this company last night 
and went to the fort at Mr. Steel's meeting house, and there saw 
some of the inhabitants of the Great Cove, who gave this account 
that, as they came over the hill, they saw their houses in flames. 
The messenger says that there is but 100, and that they divided 
into two parts. The one part to go against the Cove and the other 
against the Conolloways, and that there are no French among 
them. They are Delawares and Shawnees. The part that came 
against the Cove are under the command of Shingas, the Dela- 
ware King; the people of the Cove that came off saw several men 
lying dead; they heard the murder shout and the firing of guns, 
and saw the Indians going into the houses that they had come out 
of before they left sight of the Cove. I have sent express to Marsh 
Creek at the same time that I send this, so I expect there will be 
a good company from there this day, and as there is but 100 of 
the enemy, I think it is in our power (if God permit) to put them 
to flight, if you turn out well from your parts. I understand that 


the west settlement is designed to go if they can get any assistance 
to repel them." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 675-676.) 

Likewise, John Armstrong (later Colonel) wrote Governor 
Morris from Carlisle, on November 2nd: 

"At four o'clock this afternoon by expresses from Conego- 
chego, we are informed that yesterday about 100 Indians were 
seen in the Great Cove. Among whom was Shingas, the Delaware 
King; that immediately after the discovery, as many as had 
notice fled, and looking back from an high hill, they beheld their 
houses on fire, heard several guns fired and the last shrieks of 
their dying neighbours; 'tis said the enemy divided and one part 
moved towards Canallowais. Mr. Hamilton was here with 60 
men from York County when the express came, and is to march 
early tomorrow to the upper part of the county. We have sent 
out expresses everywhere, and intend to collect the forces of this 
lower part, expecting the enemy every moment at Sherman's 
Valley, if not nearer hand. I'm of opinion that no other means 
than a chain of block houses along or near the south side of the 
Kittatinny Mountain, from Susquehannah to the temporary line, 
can secure the lives and properties even of the old inhabitants of 
this county, the new settlement being all fled except Sherman's 
Valley, whom (if God do not preserve) we fear will suff'er very 
soon." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, page 676.) 

The following day (November 3d), Adam Hoops wrote Gover- 
nor Morris, from Conococheague, concerning the same incursion, 
as follows: 

"I am sorry I have to trouble you with this melancholy and 
disagreeable news, for on Saturday I received an express from 
Peters Township that the inhabitants of the Great Cove were all 
murdered or taken captive and their houses and barns all in 
flames. Some few fled, upon notice brought them by a certain 
Patrick Burns, a captive, that made his escape that very morning 
before this sad tragedy was done. 

"Upon this information, John Potter, Esq., and self, sent ex- 
press through our neighborhood, which induced many of them to 
meet with us at John McDowell's Mill, where I with many others 
had the unhappy prospect to see the smoke of two houses that 
were set on fire by the Indians, viz, Matthew Patton's and Mes- 
check James', where their cattle were shot down, the horses 
standing bleeding with Indian arrows in them, but the Indians 

"The Rev. Mr. Steel, John Potter, Esq., and several others 


with us, to the number of about an hundred, went in quest of the 
Indians, with all the expedition imaginable, but to no success. 
These Indians have likewise taken two women captives, belonging 
to said township. I very much fear the Path Valley has under- 
gone the same fate. George Croghan was at Aughwick, where he 
had a small fort and about 35 men, but whether he has been 
molested or not we cannot say. 

"We, to be sure, are in as bad circumstances as ever any poor 
Christians were in, for the cries of the widowers, widows, father- 
less and motherless children, with many others, for their relations, 
are enough to pierce the hardest of hearts; likewise it's a very sor- 
rowful spectacle to see those that escaped with their lives with 
not a mouthful to eat, or bed to lie on, or clothes to cover their 
nakedness, or keep them warm, but all they had consumed into 

"These deplorable circumstances cry aloud for your Honour's 
most wise consideration, that you would take cognizance of and 
grant what shall seem most meet, for it is really very shocking, it 
must be, for the husband to see the wife of his bosom, her head 
cut off, and the children's blood drank like water by these bloody 
and cruel savages as we are informed has been the fate of many. 

"Whilst I am writing, I had intelligence by some that fled out 
of the Coves that chiefly the upper part of it was killed and taken. 
One, Galloway's son, escaped after he saw his grand-mother shot 
down and other relations taken prisoners. Likewise, from some 
news I have likewise heard, I am apprehensive that George 
Croghan is in distress, though just now Mr. Burd, with about 40 
men, left my house and we intend to join him tomorrow at 
McDowell's Mill, with all the force we can raise, in order to see 
what damages are done, and for his relief. As we have no 
magazines at present to supply the guards or scouts, the whole 
weight of their maintenence lies chiefly upon a few persons." 
(Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, pages 462 and 463.) 

Also, on November 3d, John Potter, Sheriff of Cumberland 
County, wrote Secretary Richard Peters, from Conococheague, 
as follows: 

"Sir: This comes ye melancholy account of the ruin of the 
Great Cove, which is reduced to ashes, and numbers of the in- 
habitants murdered and taken captives on Saturday last about 
three of the clock in the afternoon. I received intelligence in 
conjunction with Mr. Adam Hoopes, and sent immediately and 
appointed our neighbors to meet at McDowell's. On Sunday 


morning, I was not there six minutes till we observed, about a 
mile and half distant, one Mathew Patton's house and barn in 
flames, on which we sat off with about forty men, tho' there was 
as least one hundred and sixty there. Our old officers hid them- 
selves for (ought as I know) to save their scalps until afternoon 
when danger was over; we went to Patton's with a seeming resolu- 
tion and courage but found no Indians there, on which we 
advanced to a rising ground, where we immediately discovered 
another house and barn on fire belonging to Mesach James, about 
one mile up the creek from Thomas Bar's; we set off directly for 
that place, but they had gone up the creek to another plantation 
left by one widow Jordan the day before, but had unhappily 
gone back that morning with a young woman, daughter to one 
William Clark, for some milk for childer, were both taken captives 
but neither house nor barn hurt. I have heard of no more burnt 
in that valley yet, which makes me believe they have gone off for 
some time, but I much fear they will return before we are prepared 
for them, for it was three of the clock in the afternoon before a 
recruit came of about sixty men. Then we held council whether 
to pursue up the valley all night or return to McDowell's, the 
former of which I and Mr. Hoop and some others plead for, but 
could not obtain without putting it to votes, which done, we 
were out voted by a considerable number, upon which I and my 
company was left by them that night and came home, for I will 
not guard a man that will not fight when called in so eminent 
manner, for there was not six of these men that would consent to 
go in pursuit of the Indians. 

"I am much afraid that Juniata, Tuscaroro, and Sherman's 
Valley hath suffered. There is two-thirds of the inhabitants of 
this valley who hath already fled, leaving their plantations, and, 
without speedy succor be granted, I am of opinion this county 
will be lead dissolute without inhabitant. Last night I had a 
family of upwards of an hundred of women and children who fled 
for succor. You cannot form no just idea of the distressed and 
distracted condition of our inhabitants unless your eyes seen and 
your ears heard their crys. I am of opinion it is not in the power 
of our representatives to meet in assembly at this time. If our 
Assembly will give us any additional supply of arms and am- 
munition, the latter of which is most wanted, I could wish it 
were put into the hands of such persons as would go out upon 
scouts after the Indians rather than for the supply of forts." (Pa. 
Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 673, 674.) 


Then, on November 6th, Adam Hoops again wrote Governor 
Morris, from Conococheague : 

"I have Sent in Closed, Is 2 quaUfications of which is Patrick 
Burns, who is the bearer, and a tameyhak which was found 
Sticking in the brest of one, David McClellan. The people of 
the path valley is all Gethered Unto a small fort, and the last 
account, was Safe. The Great Cove and Kennalaways is all 
Burned to Ashes, and about 50 persons killed or taken. There is 
numbers of the inhabitants of this County have moved their 
families. Sum to York County, and Sum to Maryland; Hans 
Hamilton, Esq. is now at John McDowell's mill with upwards of 
200 men and about 200 from this County, in all about four 
hundred men, and tomorrow we entends To go into the Cove 
and to the Path Valley, in order To Bring what Cattle and horses 
that the Indians hath Left alive; we are informed by a Dolloway 
Indian, which lives munghts us, on the same day The Murder 
was Committed, he Seen four hundred Indians in the Cove, and 
we have Sum Reason to Believe they are about there yet; the 
people of Sheer Man's Crick and Juneate is all Cum away and 
left there houses, and there is now about 30 miles Of this County 
laid waste, and I am afraid there will Be Soon more. 

"P. S. I just now have received ye Account of one, George 
McSwane, who was taken captive about 14 Days ago, and has 
made his Escape, and has brought two Scalps and a Tomahawk 
with Him." (Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, pages 474, 475.) 

The Pennsylvania Gazette, November 13th, 1755, gives a 
partial list of those killed and captured in the Great Cove, Little 
Cove and the Conolloways, as follows: Elizabeth Galloway, 
William Fleming's son and one, Hicks, Henry Gilson, Robert 
Peer and David McClellan were all killed; while John Martin's 
wife and five children, William Galloway's wife and two children, 
a certain young woman, Charles Stewart's wife and two children, 
David McClellan's wife and two children and William Fleming 
and wife were captured. 

Other captives, taken in this incursion and later delivered up 
by the Delaware chief, King Beaver, at the Lancaster Council of 
August, 1762, were Elizabeth McAdam and John Lloyd, from the 
Little Cove, and Dorothy Shobrian, from the Big Cove. (Pa. 
Col. Rec, Vol. 8, page 728.) Many of the captives, taken in this 
incursion, were delivered up to Colonel Bouquet at the time of 
his expedition to the Muskingum, in the autumn of 1764. 


In the Penna. Col. Records, Vol. 6, page 767, is found another 
reference to this incursion, as follows: 

"October 31st. An Indian Trader and two other men in the 
Tuscarora Valley were killed by Indians, and their Houses burnt, 
on which most of the Settlers fled and abandoned their Planta- 

(One of these men was the Indian trader, Peter Shaver, for 
whom Shaver's Creek, in Huntingdon County, is named. An- 
other was John Savage.) 

"November 3d. Two women are carried away from Conego- 
chege (Conococheague) by the Indians, and the same day the 
Canalaways and Little Cove, two other considerable settlements, 
were attacked by them, their Houses burnt, and the whole 
Settlement deserted." 

The Pennsylvania Gazette, February 12th, 1756, gives the 
number of people murdered and captured along the Conolloways. 
James Seaton, Catherine Stillwell and one of her children were 
killed and scalped, while two others of her children, one aged 
eight years and the other three, were captured. Richard Still- 
well, her husband, was at a neighbors when the tragedy at his 
home occurred, and made his escape to a block house in the 
neighborhood. The houses of Elias Stillwell, John McKinney 
and Richard Malone were burned. 

Rev. John Steel 

The "fort at Mr. Steel's meeting house," mentioned in Ben- 
jamin Chambers' letter of November 2nd, where the survivors of 
the Great Cove massacre found refuge, was named in honor of 
the Presbyterian minister. Rev. John Steel, and was one of the 
first forts erected after Braddock's defeat, being a stockade 
around the church, and located about three miles east of Mercers- 
burg, Franklin County. It was known as the "Old White 
Church," and was subsequently burned by the Indians in one of 
their forays. In 1756, Rev. Steel was appointed Captain in a 
company in the pay of the Province, and for a time, made his 
headquarters at McDowell's Mill, or Fort McDowell, located in 
the western part of Franklin County. From this place he de- 
tached parties from time to time to scour the woods in search of 
hostile Indians. About 1758, he took charge of the Presbyterian 
church at Carlisle, where he ended his days. In March and 
April, 1768, he and John Allison, Cristopher Lemes and James 


Potter were sent by Governor John Penn to warn the settlers in 
the vicinity of Redstone (Brownsville) to remove from lands not 
purchased from the Indians. Rev. Steel and his men are fre- 
quently mentioned in the records of the troublesome times of 
which we are writing. On page 553 of Vol. 1 of "The Frontier 
Forts of Pennsylvania," we read the following concerning this 
preacher and soldier of the Pennsylvania frontier: 

"At one time, it is stated. Rev. Steel was in charge of Fort 
Allison, located just west of the town, near what afterward be- 
came the site of McCaulay's Mill. At this time the congregation 
had assembled in a barn . . . During this period, when Mr. Steel 
entered the church and took his place back of the rude pulpit, 
he hung his hat and rifle behind him, and this was done also by 
many of his parishoners. On one occasion, while in the midst of 
his discourse, some one stepped into the church quietly, and 
called a number of the congregation out, and related the facts of 
a murder of a family by the name of Walker by the Indians at 
Rankin's Mill. The tragic story was soon whispered from one to 
another. As soon as Mr. Steel discovered what had taken place, 
he brought the services to a close, took his hat and rifle, and at 
the head of the members of his congregation, went in pursuit of 
the murderers." 

The murder above mentioned, was probably that of William 
Walker, in Silver Spring Township, Cumberland County, on 
May 13th, 1757. 

Capture of the Martin and Knox Families 

Among the outrages committed by Shingas during the above 
incursion into Fulton County, was as has been seen, the capture 
of the family of John Martin, a settler in the Big Cove. On 
Saturday morning, November 1, 1755, Mrs. Martin learned that 
Indians were in the neighborhood, and, thereupon, sent her son, 
Hugh, aged seventeen, to their neighbor, Captain Stewart, re- 
questing him to come and take her family with his to the block- 
house, as her husband, John Martin, had gone to Philadelphia for 
supplies for the family, and had not returned. When Hugh came 
in sight of his home on his way back from Captain Stewart's, 
whose house was burned, he saw the Indians capture his mother; 
his sister, Mary, aged nineteen; his sister, Martha, aged twelve; 
his sister, Janet, aged two; his brother, James aged ten; and his 
brother, William, aged eight. Hugh hid where a fallen tree lay 


on the bank of Cove Creek not far from the Martin house, which 
the Indians now burned to the ground. 

It has been said that there were some Tuscaroras among the 
band that captured Mrs. Martin and her children. At least 
such is the tradition among her descendants. It may be that 
some of this tribe were among the hostile Delawares and Shawnees 
in this incursion, as there is evidence that there were a few 
Tuscaroras lingering in the Tuscarora or Path Valley as late as 
1755, stragglers of the Tuscarora migration to New York. These 
may have been influenced by the hostile Delawares and Shawnees. 

After the Indians left, Hugh started toward Philadelphia to 
meet his father. All that day he found nothing but desolation, 
and in the evening, he came to a stable with some hay in it. Here 
he lay until morning. During the night something jumped on 
him, which proved to be a dog. In the morning he found some 
fresh eggs in the stable, which he ate. When he was ready to 
leave, a large colt came to the stable. Making a halter of rope, 
he mounted the colt and rode on his way. In the afternoon, he 
met some men who had gathered to pursue the Indians, among 
them being the owner of the colt, who was much surprised to find 
it so easily managed, as it was considered unruly. It is not known 
when Hugh met his father, but, at any rate, they returned and 
rebuilt the house. 

Mrs, Martin and her children were taken to the Indian town 
of Kittanning. A warrior wished to marry Mary, which made 
the squaws jealous and they beat her dreadfully, so much so 
that her health rapidly declined, and one morning she was found 
on her knees dead in the wigwam. An Indian squaw claimed 
little Janet, and tied her to a rope fastened to a post. While she 
was thus confined, a French trader named Baubee came to the 
child, and she reached out her arms and called him father. He 
then took her in his arms, and the Indian woman who claimed her 
sold her to the trader for a blanket, who carried her to Quebec 
intending to adopt her. Later, Mrs. Martin was bought by the 
French, and also taken to Quebec, not knowing her child was 
there. Still later, Mrs. Martin bought her own freedom, and one 
day she found little Janet on the streets of Quebec. Janet was 
well dressed and had all appearances of being well cared for, but 
did not recognize the mother. Mrs. Martin followed Janet to 
the home of the French family who had her, identified her by 
some mark, and the family reluctantly gave up the child to the 
mother, who paid them what they had paid the Indians for her. 


Mrs. Martin then sailed with Janet to Liverpool, England, 
from which place she took ship to Philadelphia, and joined her 

The boys, James and William, and the daughter, Martha, were 
taken to the Tuscarawas and Muskingum, in the state of Ohio. 
After Mrs. Martin and Janet returned to their home in the Big 
Cove, Mr. Martin, upon the close of the French and Indian War, 
endeavored to recover his child from the Indians. Traveling on 
horseback to the Ligonier Valley, he found an encampment of 
Indians, and tried to make arrangements with them for the return 
of his children, when they claimed to have raised his family and 
wanted pay. Being unable to pay them, he said something about 
not having employed them to raise his family; thereupon, they 
became angry, and he made his escape as fast as he could, being 
chased by two Indians on horseback to a point on the Allegheny 
Mountain, where the sound of the bells of the Indian horses 

In the Penna. Archives (Vol. 4, page 100), is a petition of John 
Martin, dated August 13th, 1762, presented to Governor James 
Hamilton at the Lancaster Council of that month and year, in 
which he says: 

"I, one of the bereaved of my wife and five children, by savage 
war, at the captivity at the Great Cove, after many and long 
journeys, lately went to an Indian town, viz.^ Tuskoraways 
[Tuscarawas, a Delaware and Wyandot village on the Tuscarawas 
River just above the mouth of Big Sandy Creek, in Tuscarawas 
County, Ohio] 150 miles beyond Fort Pitt, and entreated in 
Colonel Bouquet's and Colonel Croghan's favour, so as to bear 
their letters to King Beaver and Captain Shingas, desiring them 
to give up one of my daughters to me, while I have yet two sons 
and one other daughter, if alive, among them — and after seeing 
my daughter with Shingas, he refused to give her up, and after 
some expostulating with him, but all in vain, he promised to 
deliver her up with the other captives, to your Excellency." 

Many captives were delivered by King Beaver at the Lancaster 
Council of August, 1762, but the Martin children were not 
among them. These Martin children, James, William and 
Martha, were finally liberated by Colonel Henry Bouquet when 
he made his expedition to the Muskingum and Tuscarawas, in 
the late autumn of 1764. He brought them to Pittsburgh. Here 
Mr. Martin received them on November 28th, 1764, and then 


returned with them to his home, taking with him another 
liberated captive, John McCuUough, who was captured in Frank- 
lin County, on July 26th, 1756. (*See John McCullough's" Narra- 
tive.") Martha could read when captured, but during her 
captivity, she had forgotten this art. William and James, during 
their captivity, assisted the squaws in raising vegetables, caring 
for the children and old people, and grew up as Indians, in con- 
trast to their brother, Hugh, who had escaped capture and be- 
came a man of considerable influence on the Pennsylvania 
frontier. Before being taken to the Muskingum, Martha, 
James, and William spent some time with their Indian captors on 
Big Sewickley Creek, in Westmoreland County. The boys be- 
came attached to the locality, and after their return, they 
patented two tracts of land in that vicinity, and lived there most 
of their lives. 

Janet Martin, in 1774, married John Jamison. She has many 
descendants in Western Pennsylvania, especially in Westmore- 
land County, among them being the well-known Robert S. 
Jamison family, of Greensburg. 

During the same incursion, occurred the capture of the Knox 
family, who lived some distance from the Big Cove. On Sunday 
morning, November 2nd, 1755, while the family were engaged in 
morning worship, they were alarmed by the barking of their dogs. 
Then, two men of their acquaintance, who had come to the Knox 
home on Saturday evening for the purpose of attending religious 
services the next day, went to the door. They were immediately 
shot down by the Indians, and the rest of the family taken 
prisoners. After the Indians returned to the town from where 
they had come, no doubt Kittanning, each warrior who had lost 
a brother in the incursion was given a prisoner to kill. As there 
were not enough men to go around, little Jane Knox was given to 
one of the warriors as his victim. Placing her at the root of a tree, 
this savage commenced throwing his tomahawk close to her head, 
exclaiming that his brother, who was killed, was a warrior, and 
that the other Indians had given him only a squaw to kill. Jane 
expected that every moment would be her last. Presently, an 
Indian squaw came running and claimed Jane as her child, thus 
saving her life. She later returned to the settlements, and be- 
came the wife of Hugh Martin, mentioned above. 

* While this is McCullough's statement, data in the possession of the descendants of 
Janet Martin indicates that the Martin children were delivered by the Shawnees to George 
Croghan, at Fort Pitt, early in May, 1765. 



In concluding this chapter on the bloody incursion of the Dela- 
wares and Shawnees into the Scotch- Irish settlements in Fulton 
and Franklin Counties, in the late autumn days of 1755, we call 
attention to the fact that some historians have erroneously stated 
that the massacres mentioned in Penna, Archives, Vol. 2, page 
375, and Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 641 and 642, took place on 
Pennsylvania soil, the former in the Great Cove and on the 
Conolloways, in Fulton County, and the latter in the vicinity of 
Patterson's Fort, in Juniata County. The former took place in 
the vicinity of Cumberland, Maryland, shortly after General 
Braddock's army left that place on its March against Fort 
Duquesne. The latter took place, October 2nd, 1755, on Patter- 
son's Creek, Maryland, a few miles from its mouth. The error 
on page 600 of Vol. 1 of "The Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania" 
in stating that this massacre of October 2nd took place near 
Patterson's Fort, in Juniata County, no doubt is due to confusing 
Patterson's Creek, in Maryland, with Patterson's Fort, in Juniata 
County, Pennsylvania. As stated in Chapter VII, the Penn's 
Creek massacre of October 16th, 1755, was the first massacre 
committed by the Indians on Pennsylvania soil following Brad- 
dock's defeat. 

We also, at this point, call attention to the fact that Scotch- 
Irish settlers entered Franklin County prior to 1730. In this 
year, Benjamin and Joseph Chambers located at Falling Springs, 
now Chambersburg, coming from the east side of the Susquehanna 
above Harrisburg, and erecting a log house, a saw mill and grist 
mill at Falling Springs. After Braddock's defeat, Benjamin 
(Colonel) Chambers erected a large stone house at Falling Springs 
for the security of his family and neighbors. It was surrounded 
by water from the spring, the roof was of lead to prevent its being 
set on fire by the Indians, and it was also stockaded. The 
stockade also included the mill near the house. This fort was 
known as Chambers' Fort. 

About 1740, many Scotch Irish settlers, mostly from Mary- 
land entered the Great Cove and the valleys of the Conol- 

As was pointed out in Chapter IV, in connection with the 
account of the Treaty of 1742, the Iroquois complained at this 
treaty, through their spokesman, Canassatego, that Pennsyl- 
vania was permitting squatters to remain on lands not purchased 


irom the Six Nations — in the Juniata Valley, in the Great and 
Little Coves, in the valleys of Big and Little Conolloways, in the 
valley of Aughwick Creek, in Path Valley and Sherman's Valley. 
But Pennsylvania made no really energetic effort to remove 
these settlers until May, 1750, when, as was also pointed out in 
Chapter IV, they were removed by Richard Peters, George Cro- 
ghan, Conrad Weiser, James Galbraith and others by authority 
of Lieutenant-Governor Morris. Many of their cabins were 
burned on this occasion. But the restless spirit of these settlers 
impelled them to return to their desolated homes, and with them 
came others willing to risk the wrath of the Indians. Then came 
the Albany Purchase of July 6th, 1754, by which the Iroquois 
conveyed these lands to Pennsylvania — a purchase which mor- 
tally offended the Delawares and Shawnees, who claimed that 
the Six Nations, their conquerors, had guaranteed these lands to 
them upon their migration from the Susquehanna. "Our lands 
are sold from under our feet," said they. Later came Brad- 
dock's defeat, which gave the Delawares and Shawnees an op- 
portunity to wreak awful vengenance upon the Scotch-Irish 
settlers within the bounds of the Albany Purchase. 


Massacres of November and 
December, 1755 

THIS chapter will be devoted principally to massacres east 
of the Susquehanna in November and December, 1755, but, 
before narrating their details, we shall devote a few paragraphs 
to events that preceded them. 

On November 3d, 1755, Governor Morris received John Arm- 
strong's letter, quoted in Chapter VHI, advising him of the mur- 
der of the settlers in the Great Cove. He immediately called 
the attention of the Assembly to the acts of the hostile Indians 
and the terror throughout the frontier, and asked that something 
be done to put the Province in a state of defense. The Assembly 
replied, on November 5th, that it "requires great Care and Judge- 
ment in conducting our Indian Affairs at this critical Juncture," 
and requested the Governor to inform the House "if he knew of 
any injury which the Delawares and Shawnees had received to 
alienate their affections, and whether he knew the part taken by 
the Six Nations in relation to this incursion." 

Robert Strettell, Joseph Turner, and Thomas Cadwalader, 
were appointed a committee to inspect all "minutes of Council 
and other books and papers" relating to Pennsylvania's trans- 
actions with the Delawares and Shawnees from the beginning of 
the Colony. The committee made an elaborate report, which 
was approved and sent to the House on November 22nd, setting 
forth the findings of the committee that "the conduct of the 
Proprietaries and this Government has been always uniformly 
just, fair, and generous towards these Indians." 

In the meantime, the Governor had informed the inhabitants 
of the frontier counties from whom he received petitions for arms 
and ammunition that, if they would organize themselves into com- 
panies, he would give commissions to fit persons as officers. As 
a result of his offer, companies were raised and officers commis- 
sioned. Then, on November 8th, the Governor sent a message 


to the Assembly in which he said: "You have now been sitting 
six days, and instead of strengthening my Hands and providing 
for the safety and defense of the people and Province in this 
Time of imminent danger. You have sent me a message wherein 
you talk of retaining the Affections of the Indians now em- 
ployed in laying waste the Country and butchering the Inhabi- 
tants, and of inquiring what injustice they have received, and 
into the Causes of their falling from their alliance with us and 
taking part with the French." In the same message, he informed 
the Assembly that the Provincial Council had advised him to 
visit the frontiers in order to superintend the work of organizing 
the settlers for defense; that he had waited to see what the As- 
sembly would do before his setting out, but now realizing that the 
Assembly would do nothing, he proposed to start on his journey 
at once. However, Conrad Weiser, Scarouady, Andrew Montour 
and "drunken Zigrea," a Mohawk, arrived at Philadelphia that 
very day (November 8th) for the councils presently to be men- 
tioned, which caused the Governor to postpone his trip until 
early in 1756. The cause of the lack of action to put the Province 
in a state of defense at this terrible time was the endless discus- 
sion, to be mentioned later in this chapter, between the Governor 
and the Assembly as to whether the proprietary estates should 
be taxed in raising money for defense. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, 
pages 676 to 681.) 

Scarouady Threatens to Go to the French 

While the terrible things related in Chapter VIII were hap- 
pening, Scarouady was exerting his utmost influence on behalf of 
the English. On November 1st, he and Andrew Montour came 
from Shamokin to Harris' Ferry, where he delivered a message 
to John Harris, who forwarded it to the Governor, advising, 
among other things, that "about twelve days ago the Delawares 
sent for Andrew Montour to go to Big Island [Lock Haven], on 
which he [Scarouady] and Montour with three more Indians went 
up immediately, and found there about six of the Delawares and 
four Shawnees, who informed them that they had received a 
hatchet from the French, on purpose to kill what game they could 
meet with, and to be used against the English if they proved 

At this time (November 1st), Scarouady and Montour both 
told John Harris that a fort should immediately be erected at 


Shamokin. "They said that our own Neglect had brought all 
this upon us; That the Delawares being asked why they took up 
the Hatchet, said the English had for some time called them 
Frenchmen, and yet fell upon no measures to defend themselves, 
whereupon they thought it not safe to stick by Us, and would now 
publicly declare themselves Frenchmen. That Scarouady En- 
quiring from George Croghan was answered by Mr. Buchannan 
he was fortified at Aughwick, whereupon the Indian desired Mr. 
Buchannan to give him speedy notice to remove, or he would 
certainly be killed. They say Carlisle is Severly threatened, and 
Adviseth that the Women and Children be removed." (Pa. 
Archives, Vol. 2, page 452.) 

On November 8th, Scarouady and Montour, accompanied by 
Conrad Weiser, appeared before the Provincial Council, and, 
gave additional details of their trip to Big Island. Scarouady 
said that two Delawares from the Ohio appeared at the meeting 
at Big Island and spoke as follows: "We the Delawares of Ohio, 
do proclaim war against the English. We have been their friends 
many years, but now have taken up the hatchet against them, 
and will never make it up with them whilst there is an English 
man alive. 

"When Washington was defeated, we, the Delawares, were 
blamed as the cause of it. We will now kill. We will not be 
blamed without a cause. We make up three parties of Delawares. 
One party will go against Carlisle; one down the Susquehanna; 
and . . . another party will go against Tulpehocken to Conrad 
Weiser. And we shall be followed by a thousand French and 
Indians, Ottawas, Twigh twees, Shawnees, and Delawares." 

It will be noted that the Delawares gave their being blamed 
for Washington's defeat at the Great Meadows, in the summer of 
1754, as the cause of their having taken up arms against Penn- 
sylvania. Later they told the Shawnee chief, Paxinosa, of 
Wyoming, that the cause of their hostility was the Walking Pur- 
chase of 1737 and the Albany Purchase of 1754; and the great 
Delaware chief, Teedyuscung, stoutly insisted that it was these 
wrongs upon the Delawares that caused these friends of William 
Penn to take up arms against the Colony he founded. 

On the afternoon of the same day, November 8th, Scarouady 
again appeared before the Governor, his Council, and the Provin- 
cial Assembly, and told them of the journey which he had recently 
made in the interest of the English, up the North Branch of the 
Susquehanna "as far as the Nanticokes live." He stated that he 


had told the Nanticokes and other Indians on the Susquehanna 
that the defeat of General Braddock had brought about a great 
turn of affairs; that it was a great blow, but that the English had 
strength enough to recover from it. He further said that there 
were three hundred friendly Indians on the Susquehanna. (Dela- 
wares and Nanticokes) "who were all hearty in the English in- 
terest." For these he desired the Colony's assistance with arms 
and ammunition. He insisted that they should be given the 
hatchet and that a fort should be built for the protection of their 
old men, women, and children. They had told him, he said, that 
whichever party, the French or English, would seek their assis- 
tance first, would be first assisted; and that he "should go to 
Philadelphia and apply immediately to the Government and ob- 
tain explicit answer from them whether they would fight or no." 
These Indians "waited with impatience to know the success of 
his application." 

Then the old chief threw down his belts of wampum upon the 
table before the members of the Assembly and said: "I must 
deal plainly with you, and tell you if you will not fight with us, 
we will go somewhere else. We never can nor ever will put up the 
affront. If we cannot be safe where we are, we will go somewhere 
else for protection and take care of ourselves. We have no more 
to say, but will first receive your answer to this, and as the times 
are too dangerous to admit of our staying long here, we therefore 
entreat you will use all the dispatch possible that we may not be 
detained." It is possible that Scarouady meant that he and his 
followers would go to one of the other colonies, but he was under- 
stood as meaning that, unless the Pennsylvania Authorities acted 
promptly, he and his followers would go over to the French. 

Governor Morris then said to the Provincial Assembly: "You 
have heard what the Indians have said. Without your aid, I can 
not make a proper answer to what they now propose and expect 
of us." The Assembly replied that, as Captain General, the 
Governor had full authority to raise men, and that "the Bill now 
in his hands granting Sixty Thousand Pounds will enable him to 
pay the expenses." This was a bill just passed by the Assembly, 
granting this sum for the defense of the Colony, to be raised by a 
tax on estates. The Governor opposed the bill on the ground that 
the Proprietary estates should not be taxed. He then explained 
to Scarouady how his controversy with the Assembly stood, and 
that he did not know what to do. Scarouady was amazed and 
said that Pennsylvania's failure to comply with his (Scarouady's) 


request in behalf of his three hundred friendly Indians would 
mean their going over to the French. However, he still offered 
his own services and counseled the Governor not to be cast down, 
but to keep cool. 

After long consultations between Scarouady and Conrad 
Weiser, it was determined that Scarouady could render an im- 
portant service to the Colony by visiting the Six Nations and Sir 
William Johnson, and, after gaining what intelligence he could on 
his way to New York, as to the actions of the Indians on the Sus- 
quehanna, by laying before the Great Confederation such intelli- 
gence as well as the recent conduct of the Delawares. 

Scarouady's decided stand had a good effect on the Governor 
and Council. On November 14th, the old chief and Andrew 
Montour were sent by the Governor on a mission to the Six 
Nations. They were instructed to convey the condolence of Penn- 
sylvania to the Six Nations on the death of several of their 
warriors who had joined General Shirley and General Johnson 
and had fallen in battle with the French, and to advise the Six 
Nations how the Delawares had, in a most cruel manner, fallen 
upon and murdered so many of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania. 
In a word, Scarouady was to give the Six Nations a complete 
account of the terrible invasion of the Delawares and Shawnees 
and to ascertain whether or not this invasion was made with the 
knowledge, consent, or order of the Six Nations, and whether the 
Six Nations would chastise the Delawares. (For account of 
above conferences between Scarouady and the Governor, see Pa. 
Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 682 to 689.) 

Swatara and Tulpehocken Massacres 

While Conrad Weiser, Scarouady and Andrew Montour were 
holding their final councils with Governor Morris, on November 
14th, the hostile Delawares, possibly accompanied by some 
Shawnees, entered Berks County, the home of Weiser, and com- 
mitted terrible atrocities upon the German settlers. On this day, 
as six settlers were on their way to Dietrick Six's plantation, near 
what is now the village of Millersburg, they were hred upon by a 
party of Indians. Hurrying toward a watch-house, about half a 
mile distant, they were ambushed before reaching the same, and 
three of them killed and scalped. A settler named Ury, however, 
succeeded in shooting one of the Indians through the heart, and 
his body was dragged off by the other savages. The Indians then 


divided into two parties. The one party, lying in ambush near 
the watch-house, waylaid some settlers who were fleeing toward 
that place, and killed three of them. 

The next night some savages crept up to the home of Thomas 
Bower, on Swatara Creek, and pushing their guns through a win- 
dow of the house, killed a cobbler who was repairing a shoe. They 
set fire to the house before being driven off. The Bower family, 
having sought refuge through the night at the home of a neighbor, 
named Daniel Snyder, and returning to their home in the morn- 
ing, saw four savages running away and having with them the 
scalps of three children, two of whom were still alive. They also 
found the dead body of a woman with a two week's old child 
under her body, but unharmed. 

Such, in brief, is the account of the atrocities committed in 
Berks County during the absence of Weiser at Philadelphia. It 
is interesting to read his report of the same, written to Governor 
Morris on November 19th, after arriving at his home in Heidel- 
berg Township, as follows : 

"On my return from Philadelphia, I met in the township of 
Amity, in Berks County, the first news of our cruel enemy having 
invaded the Country this Side of the Blue Mountains, to witt, 
Bethel and Tulpenhacon [Tulpehocken]. I left the papers as they 
were in the messengers Hands, and hastened to Reading, where 
the alarm and confusion was very great. I was obliged to stay 
that Night and part of the next Day, to witt, the 17th of this 
Instant, and sat out for Heidelberg, where I arrived that Evening. 
Soon after, my sons Philip and Frederick arrived from the Persuit 
of the Indians, and gave me the following Relation, to witt, that 
on Saturday last about 4 of the Clock, in the Afternoon, as some 
men from Tulpenhacon were going to Dietrich Six's Place under 
the Hill on Shamokin Road to be on the watch appointed there, 
they were fired upon by the Indians but none hurt nor killed, 
(Our people were but Six in number, the rest being behind.) Upon 
which our people ran towards the Watch-house which was about 
one-half mile off, and the Indians persued them, and killed and 
scalped several of them. A bold, Stout Indian came up with one 
Christopher Ury, who turned about and shot the Indian right 
through his Breast. The Indian dropped down dead, but was 
dragged out of the way by his own Companions. (He was found 
next day and scalped by our People.) 

' 'The Indians devided themselves into two Parties. Some came 
this way to meet the Rest that was going to the Watch, and killed 


some of them, so that six of our men were killed that Day, and a 
few wounded. 

"The Night following the Enemy attacked the House of Thos. 
Bower, on Swatara Creek. They came to the House in the Dark 
night, and one of them put his Fire-arm through the window and 
shot a Shoemaker (that was at work) dead upon the spot. The 
People being extremely Surprised at this Sudden attack, defended 
themselves by firing out of the windows at the Indians. The 
Fire alarmed a neighbor who came with two or three more men ; 
they fired by the way and made a great noise, scared the Indians 
away from Bower's House, after they had set fire to it, but by 
Thomas Bower's Deligence and Conduct was timely put out 
again. So Thos. Bower, with his Family, went off that night to 
his neighbour, Daniel Schneider, who came to his assistance. 

"By 8 of ye Clock, Parties came up from Tulpenhacon and 
Heidelberg. The first Party saw four Indians running off. They 
had some Prisoners whom they scalped immediately, three 
children lay scalped yet alive, one died since, the other two are 
likely to do well. Another Party found a woman just expired, 
with a male Child on her side, both killed and scalped. The 
woman lay upon her Face, my son Frederick turned her about to 
see who she might have been and to his Companion's Surprize 
they found a Babe of about 14 Days old under her, rapped up in 
a little Cushion, his nose quite flat, which was set right by 
Frederick, and life was yet in it, and recovered again. Our people 
came up with two parties of Indians that Day, but they hardly 
got sight of them, the Indians Ran off Immediately. Either our 
party did not care to fight them if they could avoid it, or (which 
is most likely) the Indians were too alarmed first by the loud 
noise of our People coming, because no order was observed. Upon 
the whole, there is about 15 killed of our People, Including men, 
women and children, and the Enemy not beat but scared off. 
Several Houses and Barns are Burned; I have not true account 
how many. We are in a Dismal Situation, Some of this murder 
has been committed in Tulpenhacon Township. The People left 
their Plantation to within 6 or 7 miles from my house [located 
near the present town of Wolmesdorf] against another attack, 

"Guns and Ammunition is very much wanted here, my Sons 
have been obliged to part with most of that, that was sent up 
for the use of the Indians. I pray your Honour will be pleased, 
if it lies in your Power, to send us up a quantity upon any Con- 
dition. I must stand my Ground or my neighbours will all go 


away, and leave their Habitations to be destroyed by the Enemy 
or our own People. 

"P. S. I am creditably informed just now that one Wolf, a 
Single man, killed an Indian the same Time when Ury killed the 
other but the Body is not found yet. The Poor Young Man since 
died of his wound through his Belly." (Pa. Archives Vol. 2, 
pages 503, 504.) 

The following is a partial list of the slain : 

A man named Beslinger, Sebastian Brosius, the wife and eight- 
year-old child of a settler named Cola, Rudolph Candel, John 
Leinberger, Casper Spring, a child of Jacob Wolf and a young man 
also named Wolf. 

Following the murders, the Rev. J. N. Kurtz conducted funeral 
services for seven of the victims of the Indians' wrath who were 
buried from his church, Christ Lutheran, near Stouchsburg, at 
one time. The opening hymn at these solemn services was 
Martin Luther's famous "Ein' feste Burg ist unser Gott" (A 
Mighty Fortress is Our God). Rev. Kurtz was pastor of the 
Lutheran congregation at Tulpehocken to which Conrad Weiser 
and many of his neighbors belonged. 

At various other times during the French and Indian War, the 
soil of Berks County was stained with the blood of the German 
settlers. It is claimed that, during this conflict, almost one 
hundred and fifty inhabitants of Bethel and Tulpehocken Town- 
ships were slain, and more than thirty carried into captivity, 
most of whom never returned. 

Weiser and Scarouady in Danger from Settlers 

Conrad Weiser, as has been seen, returned home from Philadel- 
phia on November 17th, accompanied by Scarouady and Andrew 
Montour on their way to the Six Nations. He found the Berks 
County settlers in a state of great excitement, on account of the 
Indian outrages. The settlers of Berks County knew that he had 
frequently accompanied delegations of friendly Indians to Phila- 
delphia. To many of the settlers whose homes and barns were 
destroyed and whose dear ones were murdered or carried into 
captivity, all Indians looked alike. Consequently, many of the 
settlers were now suspicious of Weiser, and believed that he was 
protecting Indians who did not deserve it. Consequently, also, 
he had now great difficulty in conducting Scarouady and Montour 
towards the Susquehanna. Said he, in another letter to Governor 


Morris on November 19th : "I made all the haste with the Indians 
[Scarouady and Montour] I could, and gave them a letter to 
Thomas McKee, to furnish them with necessaries for their 
journey. Scarouady had no creature to ride on. I gave him one. 
Before I could get done with the Indians, three or four men came 
from Benjamin Spikers to warn the Indians not to go that way 
for the people were so enraged against all the Indians and would 
kill them without distinction. I went with them. So did the 
gentlemen before named. When we came near Benjamin Spikers, 
I saw about 400 or 500 men, and there was loud noise. I rode 
before, and in riding along the road and armed men on both sides 
of the road, I heard some say: 'Why must we be killed by the 
Indians, and not kill them. Why are our hands so tied. ' I got 
the Indians into the house with much ado, where I treated them 
with a small dram, and so parted in love and friendship. Captain 
Diefenback undertook to conduct them, with five of our men, to 
the Susquehanna." (Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, pages 504 to 506.) 

Continuing the above letter, Weiser says: 

"After this, a sort of a counsel of war was held by the ofificers 
present, the before named, and other Freeholders. 

"It was agreed that 150 men should be raised immediately to 
serve as out scouts, and as Guards at Certain Places under the 
Kittitany Hills for 40 days. That those so raised to have 2 Shill- 
ings a Day and 2 Pounds of Bread, 2 Pounds of Beafif and a jill of 
rum, and Powder and lead. Arms they must find themselves. 

"This Scheme was signed by a good many Freeholders, and 
read to the people. They cried out that so much for an Indian 
scalp would they have, be they friends or enemies, from the Gov- 
ernor. I told them I had no such power from the Governor nor 
Assembly. They began some to curse the Governor; some the As- 
sembly; called me a traitor of the country, who held with the In- 
dians, and must have known this murder beforehand. I sat in 
the house by a lowe window; some of my friends came to pull me 
away from it, telling me some of the people threatened to shoot 

"I offered to go out to the people and either pasefy them or 
make the King's Proclamation. But those in the house with me 
would not let me go out. The cry was. The Land was betrayed 
and sold. The common people from Lancaster [now Lebanon 
County] were the worst. The wages they said was a Trifle and 
some Body pocketed the Rest, and they would resent it. Some 
Body had put it in their head that I had it in my power to give 


them as much as I pleased. I was in danger of being shot to 

"In the meantime, a great smoke arose under Tulpenhacon 
Mountain, with the news following that the Indians had com- 
mitted a murder on Mill Creek (a false alarm) and set fire to a 
barn; most of the people ran, and those that had horses rode off 
without any order or regulation. I then took my horse and went 
home, where I intend to stay and defend my own house as long as 
I can. The people of Tulpenhacon all fled; till about 6 or 7 miles 
from me some few remains. Another such attack will lay all the 
country waste on the west side of Schuylkill," 

In a subsequent chapter will be found Scarouady's report of 
his mission to the Six Nations. In the meantime, the Indians, 
entering the passes of the Blue Mountains, committed many 
murders and devastations in Berks, Lebanon, Northampton and 
Carbon Counties. Independent companies were hastily organized 
which later were incorporated into the Provincial Regiment. 
Captain Thomas McKee ranged the territory along the Susque- 
hanna; Colonel Conrad Weiser, Captain Adam Read, of Swatara 
Creek and Captain Peter Heydrick, of Swatara Gap, ranged the 
territory between the Susquehanna and Schuylkill Rivers; the two 
Captains Wetterholt ranged the district along the Lehigh; and 
Captains Wayne, Hays, Jenning, McLaughlin and Van Etten 
ranged the territory between the Lehigh and Delaware. Never- 
theless, the Indians crept stealthily upon the settlers, murdered 
them in cold blood, often in the dead hours of the night, and then 
disappeared before the alarm could be spread to the citizen 

The Kobel Atrocity 

On November 24th, 1755, Governor Morris received a letter 
from Conrad Weiser in which he describes the attack on the 
Kobel family, one of the atrocities committed by the Indians in 
the invasion of Berks County, described in this chapter. The 
letter, found in Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, pages 511 and 512, is as 
follows : 

"I cannot forbear to acquaint your Honor of a certain Cir- 
cumstance of the late unhappy Affair: One Kobel, 

with his wife and eight children, the eldest about fourteen Years 
and the youngest fourteen Days, was flying before the Enemy, he 
carrying one, and his wife and a Boy another of the Children, 


when they were fired upon by two Indians very nigh, but hit only 
the Man upon his Breast, though not Dangerously. They, the 
Indians, then came with their Tomahawks, knocked the woman 
down, but not dead. They intended to kill the Man, but his Gun 
(though out of order so that he could not fire) kept them off. 
The Woman recovered so farr, and seated herself upon a Stump, 
with her Babe in her Arms, and gave it Suck, and the Indians 
driving the children together, and spoke to them in High Dutch, 
'Be still; we won't hurt you.' Then they struck a Hatchet into 
the woman's Head, and she fell upon her Face with her Babe 
under her, and the Indian trod on her neck and tore off the scalp. 
The children then run; four of them were scalped, among which 
was a Girl of Eleven Years of Age, who related the whole Story; 
of the Scalped, two are alive and like to do well. The Rest of the 
Children ran into the Bushes and the Indians after them, but 
our People coming near to them, and hallowed and made noise; 
the Indians Ran, and the Rest of the Children were saved. They 
ran within a Yard by a Woman that lay behind an Old Log, with 
two Children; there was about Seven or Eight of the Enemy." 

Other Atrocities of 1755 

Other atrocities, committed in the autumn of 1755, were the 

Two brothers, named Ney, were ambushed by Indians, in the 
Tulpehocken region, while gathering a load of fire wood for 
winter. The one brother, Michael, was killed and scalped. The 
other brother was tomahawked and left for dead, but afterwards 
regained consciousness and made his way back home. Some 
neighbors then went in pursuit of the Indians. They found the 
body of Michael, but the Indians had fled. 

As the Indian depredations spread eastward from Swatara 
Gap, they reached the vicinity of the present town of Pine Grove. 
Schuylkill County. Here George Everhart and his entire family 
except his little daughter, Margaret, were killed. The little 
girl was taken captive. She was released by Colonel Bouquet, 
when he made his expedition to the Muskingum, in the autumn 
of 1764, and returned to her friends. (H. M. M. Richards' 
"Pennsylvania Germans in the French and Indian War," pages 
79 to 81.) 


Moravians Massacred 

Scarouady was hardly started on his journey to the Six Nations 
when the tomahawk and scalping knife of the Delawares became 
stained anew with the blood of the settlers of Eastern Pennsyl- 
vania. On November 24th, the Moravian missionaries at Gnaden- 
huetten. Carbon County, were cruelly murdered by a band of 
twelve warriors of the Munsee Clan of Delawares, led by Jachebus, 
chief of the Assinnissink, a Munsee town in Steuben County, 
New York. The bodies of the dead were placed in a grave. A 
monument marks the spot where the dust of these victims of 
savage cruelty reposes, a short distance from Lehighton, and bears 
the following inscription : 

"To the memory of Gottlieb and Joanna Anders, with their 
child, Christiana; Martin and Susanna Nitschman; Anna Cath- 
erine Senseman; John Gattermeyer; George Fabricius, clerk; 
George Schweigert; John Frederick Lesly; and Martin Presser; 
who lived here at Gnadenhuetten unto the Lord, and lost their 
lives in a surprise from Indian warriors, November 24, 1755. 
Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his saints." 

Bishop Loskiel's "History of the Moravian Mission" thus 
dej^cribes the massacre of the Moravians at Gnadenhuetten: 

"The family were at supper; and on the report of a gun, several 
ran together to open the house-door; the Indians instantly fired 
and killed Martin Nitschman. His wife and some others were 
wounded, but fled with the rest to the garret, and barricaded the 
door. Two escaped by leaping out of a back window. The 
savages pursued those who had taken refuge in the garret, but 
finding the door too well secured, they set fire to the house, which 
was soon in flames. A boy and a woman leaped from the burning 
roof, and escaped almost miraculously. Br. Fabricius then leaped 
off the roof, but he was perceived by the Indians, and wounded 
with two balls; they dispatched him with their hatchets, and 
took his scalp. The rest were all burnt alive, except Br. Sense- 
man, who got out at the back door. The house being consumed, 
the murderers set fire to the barns and stables, by which all the 
corn, hay and cattle were destroyed." 

The light of the burning buildings was seen at Bethlehem, 
although nearly thirty miles distant and with the ridge of the 
Blue Mountains between. 

On the day of the massacre, the Moravian missionary, David 


Zeisberger, had been sent from Bethlehem to Gnadenhuetten, 
bearing a letter relative to the convoy of some friendly Indians 
at Wyoming who wished to visit the Governor. He had reached 
the Lehigh River and was just ready to cross to the other side, 
before it became quite dark, when he heard gun-shots, which he 
supposed to be those of militia patroling the woods. Suddenly 
a piteous cry floated on the evening air, but Zeisberger did not 
hear it, as his horse was now wading the river and the splashing 
water and the crack of the stones under his horse's hoofs prevented 
his hearing anything else. Nor did he see the flames, as the thick 
underbrush of the river bank and the bluff beyond concealed 
their light from him. Having reached the west shore, he paused 
a moment and took in the awful situation, just as young Joseph 
Sturgis, who had escaped with a slight wound on his face, rushed 
down to the river. Turning his horse, he crossed back to the 
east side of the stream, where he found some Moravian Indians 
in great terror. Gathering what particulars he could, he rode 
through the night to Bethlehem, arriving there at three o'clock 
in the morning and telling Bishop Spangenberg of the Moravian 
Church the terrible story, (See Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 
736, 737.) 

For some time prior to the massacre of the Moravian mission- 
aries, these good people had been suspected of being in sympathy 
with the French and their Indian allies — an altogether unjust 
suspicion. Just prior to the outbreak of the war, unfriendly 
Indians made frequent visits to the Delawares who had been 
converted to the Christian religion by the Moravians, and made 
efforts to win them to their cause. Some of the Christianized 
Delawares yielded to the persuasion of the unfriendly Indians, 
and, in time, were recognized among the marauders. Then the 
cry went up that the Moravian missionaries were training the 
Indians for the French service. Furthermore, the fact that the 
missionaries spoke German, a language foreign to that of their 
English and Scotch-Irish neighbors, tended to put them under 
suspicion. But now that these missionaries fell victims to the 
wrath of the Indians in league with the French, the eyes of their 
traducers were opened. Even before the corpses of the murdered 
Moravians were buried, it is said, many people came to the scene 
of the massacre and shed tears of penitence. 

In closing the account of this terrible atrocity, we call attention 
to the fact that Susanna Nitschman, long believed to have been 
killed at the time of the massacre of the other missionaries, was. 


according to De Schweinitz's "Life of David Zeisberger," carried 
to Tioga, where she was compelled to share the wigwam with a 
brutal Indian and where, having lapsed into profound melancholy, 
death came to her relief after a half year of captivity. 

Attack on the Hoeth and Brodhead Families 

On December 10th and 11th, 1755, occurred the attack on the 
Hoeth and Brodhead families. The Frederick Hoeth family 
lived on Poco-Poco Creek, afterwards known as Hoeth's Creek, 
and now generally known as Big Creek, a tributary to the Lehigh 
above Weissport. The Indians attacked the house on the evening 
of the 10th, killing and capturing all the family except a son and 
a smith, who made their escape. This son, John Michael Hoeth, 
or Hute as he is called in the Pennsylvania Colonial Records, 
made a deposition before William Parsons at Easton, on Decem- 
ber 12th, as follows: 

"The 12th Day of December, 1755, Personally appeared before 
me, William Parsons, one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace 
for the County of Northampton, Michael Hute, aged about 21 
Years, who being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty 
God did depose and declare that last Wednesday, about 6 of the 
Clock, Afternoon, a Company of Indians, about 5 in number, 
attacked the House of Frederick Hoeth, about 12 miles East- 
ward from Gnadenhutten, on Pocho-Pocho Creek. That the 
family being at Supper, the Indians shot into the House and 
wounded a woman ; at the next shot they killed Frederick Hoeth 
himself, and shot several times more, whereupon all ran out of 
the house that could. The Indians immediately set fire to the 
House, Mill and Stables. Hoeth's wife ran into the Bakehouse, 
which was also set on fire. The poor woman ran out thro' the 
Flames, and being very much burnt she ran into the water and 
there dyed. The Indians cut her belly open, and used her other- 
wise inhumanely. They killed and Scalped a Daughter, and he 
[Hute] thinks that three other Children who were of the Family 
were burnt. Three of Hoeth's Daughters are missing with an- 
other Woman, who are supposed to be carried off. In the action 
one Indian was killed and another wounded." (Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 6, pages 758, 759.) 

Attention is called to the fact that Barbara Leininger and 
Marie le Roy, in their Narrative, recorded in Pa. Archives, Sec. 
Series, Vol. 7, pages 401 to 412, state that, at the time of their 


escape from the Indians, March 16th, 1759, three sisters "from 
the Blue Mountains, Mary, CaroUne and Catherine Hoeth," were 
still in captivity among the Indians, but do not state whether at 
Sauconk, Kuskuskies or Muskingum. 

The Hoeth tragedy occurred in the vicinity of where Fort 
Norris, about a mile southeast of Kresgeville, Monroe County, 
was afterwards built. Other families in the vicinity of the Hoeths 
— the Hartmans, the Culvers and the McMichaels — were at- 
tacked by daylight the next morning. Many of their members 
were killed and captured, and their buildings were burned. 
Terror spread throughout the region upon the report that there 
were two hundred Indians ravaging that part of the frontier. 
Families fled to the Moravian stockades at Nazareth, North- 
ampton County, and the infants of that place were taken to 
Bethlehem for greater security. Among the fugitives who took 
refuge among the Moravians at Nazareth were a poor German, 
his wife and child, the latter only several days old. It was late 
at night when he received word of the tragedy at Hoeth 's. Taking 
his wife and child on his back, he fled for his life. 

On the morning of December 1 1th, the Indians who committed 
the atrocities at Hoeth's and in the vicinity, made an assault on 
Brodhead's house, near the mouth of Brodhead Creek, not far 
from where Stroudsburg, Monroe County, now stands. The 
barracks and barn at Brodhead's were set on fire. Refugees 
hastening to Easton heard firing and crying at Brodhead's 
throughout the day. However, the Indians met such a deter- 
mined resistance by the Brodhead family that they were finally 
obliged to retire. All the members of this family were noted for 
their bravery. Among the sons was the famous Colonel (later 
General) Brodhead of the Revolutionary War, who no doubt 
aided in the defense of his father's home. For account of the 
outrages at Hoeth's and Brodhead's, the reader is referred to 
Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 756 to 760. 

Massacres Continue 

The Indians continued their murders and depredations in 
Monroe, Carbon and Northampton Counties throughout the 
month of December and into the following January, as we shall 
see in the next chapter. The following quotation from Pa. Col. 
Rec, Vol. 6, page 767, briefly describes, under date of December 
29th, their atrocities and devastation in this region in December: 


"During all this month [December, 1755] the Indians have been 
burning and destroying all before them in the County of North- 
ampton, and have already burned fifty houses here, murdered 
above one hundred persons, and are still continuing their Ravages, 
Murders and Devastations, and have actually overrun and laid 
waste a great part of that County, even as far as within twenty 
miles of Easton, its chief Town. And a large Body of Indians, 
under the Direction of French Officers, have fixed their head 
Quarters within the Borders of that County for the better security 
of their Prisoners and Plunder . . . All the settlements between 
Shamokin and Hunter's Mill for a space of 50 Miles along the 
River Susquehanna were deserted." 

Continuing, the same account describes the horrors on the 
Pennsylvania frontier at the time of which we are writing, as 
follows : 

"Such schocking descriptions are given by those who have 
escaped of the horrid Cruelties and Indecencies committed by 
these merciless Savages on the Bodies of the unhappy wretches 
who fell into their Barbarous hands, especially the Women, 
without regard to Sex or Age, as far exceeds those related of the 
most abandoned Pirates; which has occasioned a general Conster- 
nation and has struck so great a Pannick and Damp upon the 
Spirits of the people that hitherto they have not been able to 
make any considerable resistance or stand against the Indians." 

One of the atrocities, committed in the Minisink region, in 
December, 1755, was that described in the affidavit of Daniel 
McMullen, found in Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 282 and 283. 
A party of five Delawares captured McMullen and a woman, and 
at the same time, killed eight men in the neighborhood. Mc- 
Mullen and the woman were taken to Tioga, where McMullen 
was sold to a Mohawk, who treated him very kindly, and after- 
wards sold him to the daughter of French Margaret, who was 
the daughter of Madam Montour. Later French Margaret's 
daughter went to see Colonel Johnson in order to ransom the 
woman who was taken when McMullen was captured. While 
French Margaret's daughter was absent on this journey, Mc- 
Mullen made his escape, and he and Thomas Moffit, another 
captive belonging to French Margaret's daughter, made their 
way down the Susquehanna to Fort Augusta, in September, 1756. 

In December, 1755, Nicholas Weiss was killed, near Fenners- 
ville, Monroe County, and his family captured and taken to 
Canada (Egle's "History of Pennsylvania," page 948.) 


During November and December, 1755, as stated in a former 
chapter, the Shawnee and Delaware town of Nescopeck at the 
site of the present town of Nescopeck, in Luzerne County, was 
the rallying point for the Indians who were devastating the 
settlements and murdering the inhabitants. Many bloody ex- 
peditions were sent out from this place until the building of Fort 
Augusta, at Shamokin (Sunbury), in the summer and autumn of 
1756, drove the hostile Indians away from Nescopeck. They 
then went up the North Branch of the Susquehanna to the Dela- 
ware town of Assarughney, located about two miles north of the 
mouth of the Lackawanna, near the present town of Ransom, in 
Luzerne County. At the time of the assembling of the hostile 
Indians at Nescopeck, John Shikellamy, son of the great vice- 
gerent of the Six Nations, moved away from that place to 
Wyoming, near Plymouth, Luzerne County, where the friendly 
Shawnee chief, Paxinosa, lived. 

About the middle of December, some settlers at Paxtang 
"took an enemy Indian on the other side of the Narrows above 
Samuel Hunter's and brought him down to Carson's, where they 
examining him, the Indian begged for his Life and promised to 
tell all what he knew tomorrow morning, but (shocking to me) 
they shot him in the midst of them, scalped him and threw his 
Body into the River. The Old Belt told me that, as a child of 
Onontio [the French], he deserved to be killed, but that he would 
have been glad if they had delivered him up to the Governor in 
order to be examined stricter and better." Thus wrote Conrad 
Weiser to Governor Morris, on December 22nd. 

Capture of Peter Williamson 

Loudon's "Indian Narratives" contains an account of the 
capture and subsequent experiences of Peter Williamson, who, 
according to Loudon, was living near the "Forks of the Dela- 
ware" in the terrible autumn of 1755. He was alone at midnight, 
when the Indians came upon him, his wife being away visiting 
relatives at the time. They made him prisoner, burned his 
house, barn, cattle and 200 bushels of grain. Taking him with 
them, they fell upon the Jacob Snyder family "at the Blue Hills 
near the Susquehanna," killing the parents and their five chil- 
dren, burning the house, and capturing the hired man, whom 
they tortured to death after going some distance. The band 
then lay hid near the Susquehanna for several days. They then 


attacked the home of an old man, named John Adams, burning 
the home and killing Mrs. Adams and her four small children 
before the eyes of the horrified father. Taking Mr. Adams with 
them, they went to the "Great Swamp," where they remained 
eight or nine days, inflicting many cruelties on Mr. Adams in the 
meantime. While at the "Great Swamp," twenty-five Indians 
arrived one night from the Conococheague, with twenty scalps 
and three prisoners. This second band had murdered John 
Lewis, his wife and three small children, also Jacob Miller, his 
wife and six children. The prisoners from the Conococheague 
were tortured to death at the "Great Swamp." Peter Williamson 
was then taken to the Indian town of Alamingo, where he re- 
mained two or three months until the snow was gone. In the 
spring, one hundred and fifty Indians left Alamingo, taking 
Williamson with them, to attack the settlements along the base 
of the Blue Mountains and along the Conococheague. Arriving 
near the settlements, the Indians separated into small bands. 
Williamson and ten Indians were left behind at a certain place to 
await the return of the rest who went to kill and scalp the settlers. 
Before the marauders returned, Williamson made his escape 
from his ten Indian companions. For some time he hid in a 
hollow log, and then made his way through the forest and over 
the mountains to the home of his father-in-law, in Chester County 
to receive the sad news that his wife had died two months before 
his return. 

Murder of William McMullin and James Watson 

In Loudon's "Indian Narratives" is found the account of the 
murder of William McMullin and his brother-in-law, James 
Watson. This murder most likely occurred in November, 1755. 
These men went from a block house between the Conodoguinet 
Creek, in Cumberland County, and the Blue Mountains to their 
home to look after things there. While in the barn, they were 
attacked by Indians. They then started to flee to the block 
house, and, as they were running through a buckwheat field, 
other Indians hidden there, attacked them, and fatally wounded 
McMullin, who crawled into a thicket, where he died and his 
body was afterwards found. During this attack, Watson shot 
four or five Indians in a running fight. Finally, while going up a 
hill, he was shot, then tomahawked and scalped. When found, 
his hands were full of an Indian's hair. 


Samuel Bell 

In Loudon's "Indian Narratives" is also found the account of 
the experiences of Samuel Bell, who, in the late autumn of 1755, 
with his brother, James, left their home on Stony Ridge, five 
miles below Carlisle, Cumberland County, to go into Sherman's 
Valley, Perry County, to hunt deer. The brothers agreed to 
meet at Croghan's (now Sterret's) Gap, in the Blue Mountains, 
but for some reason they failed to meet. Samuel spent the night 
in a deserted cabin on Sherman's Creek, belonging to a Mr. 
Patton. In the morning he had not gone far before he saw three 
Indians, who saw him at same time and each party fired at the 
other. Samuel wounded one of the Indians and several bullets 
passed through his own clothes. Each side took to trees. Samuel 
took his tomahawk and stuck it into the tree, so that he might be 
prepared if the Indians advanced. The tree was hit with several 
bullets. After some time, the two Indians carried the wounded 
one over the fence, and one ran one direction and the other an- 
other, trying to get on both sides of the tree where Bell was. 
Bell shot one of them dead and the other took the dead Indian 
on his back with a leg over each shoulder. Bell ran after him and 
fired a bullet through the dead Indian's body into the body of the 
one who was carrying him. The Indian dropped the dead com- 
panion and ran off. Bell then ran away, and found the first 
Indian dead, and later the bodies of the three were found. 

Hugh McSwane 

Loudon also relates the account of the experiences of Hugh 
McSwine (McSwane), who was captured by a band of Delawares, 
led by the noted Delaware chief, Captain Jacobs, during one of 
the incursions into the counties of Fulton, Franklin and Cumber- 
land, in the autumn of 1755. McSwine was away from home at 
the time when the Indians came into his neighborhood. He 
followed them, and the place of his capture was at Tussey's 
Narrows. There was with the Indians a man named Jackson, 
who had joined them. Captain Jacobs left McSwine and another 
prisoner under care of Jackson and another Indian, while the rest 
went against other settlers. The Indian and Jackson, with two 
prisoners, travelled all night, and then they entered a deserted 
cabin and sent McSwine to cut rails to make a fire. McSwine took 
his ax and killed the Indian and then tried to kill Jackson. They 


had a desperate struggle. Both were v^ery strong. McSwine's 
strength began to fail and he kept calling on the other white man 
to assist, but he stood trembling. Finally McSwine got hold of 
one of the guns and killed Jackson and scalped both him and the 
Indian. The next evening McSwine arrived at Fort Cumberland 
with Captain Jacobs' gun and horse, which had been left with 
him. George Washington sent McSwine to Winchester where he 
got paid for horse, gun, and scalps, and was made a lieutenant. 

About this time the Cherokees came to help Pennsylvania. 
They pursued a band of Indians to the west side of Sidling Hill 
where they started back. Among the Cherokees was Hugh 
McSwine. On their way back they fell in with another party of 
Indians and had a battle with them. McSwine was parted from 
the rest. He was pursued by three Indians. He turned and shot 
one, and ran some distance and turned and shot another. Then 
the third Indian turned back. The Cherokees soon after brought 
14 scalps and two prisoners, one of whom was a squaw who had 
been twelve times at war. 

About the same time some Cherokees and white men scouted 
in neighborhood of Fort Duquesne. Coming back the white men 
were not able to keep up with the Indians and arrived home in 
very distressing condition. Hugh McSwine later was killed by 
the Indians, near Ligonier. 

Such is Loudon's account. It may be that Hugh McSwane 
was the same person mentioned by Adam Hoops in a letter written 
from Conococheague to Governor Morris, on November 6th: 
"I just now have received ye account of one George McSwane, 
who was taken Captive about 14 Days ago, and has made his 
escape, and has brought two Scalps and a Tomahawk with Him." 

Assistance of Cherokees and Catawbas 

Loudon, as has been seen, mentions the fact that the Cherokees 
of the South helped the English to resist the bloody incursions of 
the Delawares and Shawnees. In the latter part of 1755, Gover- 
nor Dinwiddie, of Virginia, succeeded in persuading the Chero- 
kees to declare war against the Shawnees. They then sent one 
hundred and thirty of their warriors to protect the frontiers of 
Virginia, and later sent many to assist Pennsylvania, especially 
into the Cumberland Valley. The Cherokees occupied a very 
dangerous position on the Pennsylvania frontier, especially 
among the Scotch-Irish settlers of the Cumberland Valley, who, 


on account of the terrible atrocities committed upon them, were 
ready to shoot and scalp any Indian on sight. Colonel John 
Armstrong, in a letter written to Governor Denny, from Carlisle, 
on May 5th, 1757, and recorded in Pa. Col, Rec, Vol, 7, pages 
503-505, mentions a case in point. The Catawbas also sent many 
of their warriors to assist Pennsylvania, as will be seen later in 
this history. While these Southern tribes were assisting the 
English, the French were busy in efforts to persuade them to 
join the Delawares and Shawnees in their incursions into the 
English settlements. 

Tom Quick 

Frederick A, Godcharles, in his "Daily Stories of Pennsyl- 
vania," gives an interesting account of the experiences of Tom 
Quick, "the Indian killer," who is said to have declared on his 
death bed, in 1795, that he had killed ninety-nine Indians, and 
begged that an old Indian, who lived near, might be brought to 
him in order that he might kill this old red man and thus bring 
his record to an even hundred. Early in the French and Indian 
War, no doubt in the autumn of 1755, Tom Quick's father, also 
named Tom, was killed by the Delawares, in Pike County, in the 
presence of the son and his brother-in-law. Young Tom was 
wounded at the same time, and almost frantic with rage and 
grief, he swore that he would never make peace with the Indians 
as long as one remained on the banks of the Delaware, Some 
years later, he met an Indian, named Muskwink, at Decker's 
Tavern, on the Neversink, Muskwink, on this occasion, claimed 
that it was he who scalped the elder Quick. Tom followed him 
from the tavern about a mile, and then shot him dead. Some 
time later, he espied an Indian family in a canoe on Butler's Rift. 
Concealing himself in the tall grass, he shot the Indian warrior, 
and then tomahawked his squaw and three children. He sank 
the bodies, and destroyed the canoe. Upon being asked later 
why he killed the children, he replied: "Nits make lice," On 
another oc^i-asion, several Indians came to him while he was 
splitting rails, and told him to go along with them. Quick asked 
them to help him to split open the last log, and as they put their 
fingers in the crack to help pull the log apart, Tom knocked out 
the wedge, and thus caught them all. He then killed them. On 
another occasion, he killed an Indian, while hunting with him, 
by shooting him in the back. At another time he killed an In- 


dian, while hunting with him, by pushing him off the high rocks 
into the ravine below. 

Egle, in his "History of Pennsylvania," says that Tom Quick 
made a vow early in life to kill one hundred Indians; that he 
took seriously ill before he had slain the hundred, and prayed 
earnestly for life and health to carry out his "project;" that he 
eventually recovered, and succeeded in bringing the number to 
one hundred; whereupon he laid aside his rifle, and died soon 
thereafter. He is buried on the banks of the Delaware, between 
the towns of Milford and Shohola, Pike County. 

Governor and Assembly Dispute as Settlers Die 

Indeed, from the Penn's Creek massacre until well into the 
year of 1756, terror reigned throughout the Pennsylvania settle- 
ments. It is a sad fact, already referred to in this chapter, that, 
while the Delawares and Shawnees were thus burning and 
scalping on the frontier, the Assembly and Governor, instead of 
putting the Province in a state of defense, spent their time in 
disputes as to whether or not the Proprietary estates should be 
taxed to raise money to defend the settlers against the hostile 
Indians. Noted men on the frontier, such as Rev. John Elder, 
pastor of the Presbyterian church at Paxtang, raised their voice 
in protest against such action on the part of the Colonial Author- 
ities. William Plumstead, Mayor of Philadelphia, and the 
Aldermen and Common Council of that city remonstrated in the 
most forceful language. The smoke of burning farm houses 
darkened the heavens; the soil of the forest farms of the German 
and Scotch-Irish settlers was drenched with their blood; the 
tomahawk of the savage dashed out the brains of the aged and 
the infant; hundreds were carried into captivity, many of whom 
were tortured to death by fire at Kittanning and other Indian 
towns in the valleys of the Allegheny and the Ohio to which they 
were taken — all of these dreadful things were taking place as the 
disputes between the Governor and the Assembly continued. 

Says Egle, in his "History of Pennsylvania:" "The cold in- 
difference of the Assembly at such a crisis awoke the deepest in- 
dignation throughout the Province. Public meetings were held 
in various parts of Lancaster and in the frontier counties, at 
which it was resolved that they would repair to Philadelphia and 
compel the Provincial authorities to pass proper laws to defend 
the country and oppose the enemy. In addition, the dead bodies 


of some of the murdered and mangled were sent to that city and 
hauled about the streets, with placards announcing that these 
were the victims of the Quaker policy of non-resistance. A large 
and threatening mob surrounded the house of Assembly, placed 
the dead bodies in the doorway, and demanded immediate relief 
for the people of the frontiers. Such indeed were the desperate 
measures resorted to for self defense." 

Some of these dead bodies were those of the victims of the raids 
of Shingas in October and November, described in Chapter VIII. 

Finally, on November 26th, the very day that the news reached 
Philadelphia of the slaughter of the Moravian missionaries at 
Gnadenhuetten, "An Act For Granting 60,000 pounds to the 
King's Use" was passed, after the Proprietaries had made a grant 
of 5,000 pounds in lieu of the tax on the Proprietary estates, 

Pennsylvania Begins Erection of Chain of Forts 

Pennsylvania then began erecting a chain of forts and block- 
houses to guard the frontier. These forts extended along the 
Kittatinny or Blue Mountains from the Delaware River to the 
Maryland line, and the cost of erection was eighty-five thousand 
pounds. They guarded the important mountain passes, were gar- 
risoned by from twenty-five to seventy-five men in pay of the 
Province, and stood almost equi-distant, so as to be a haven of 
refuge for the settlers when they fled from their farms to escape 
the tomahawk and scalping knife. The Moravians at Bethlehem 
cheerfully fortified their town and took up arms in self-defense. 
Benjamin Franklin and James Hamilton were directed to go to 
the Forks of the Delaware and raise troops in order to carry the 
plan into execution. On December 29th, 1755, they arrived at 
Easton, and appointed William Parsons major of the troops to be 
raised in the county of Northampton. In the meantime. Captain 
Hays had been ordered to New Gnadenhuetten, the scene of the 
massacre of the Moravian missionaries on November 24th, with 
his militia from the Irish settlement in the county. The attack 
on these militia on New Year's Day, 1756, will be described in 
Chapter X. Finally, the Assembly requested Franklin's ap- 
pearance, and, responding to this call, he turned his command 
over to Colonel William Clapham. 

This chain of forts began with Fort Dupui, erected on the 
property of the Hugenot settler, Samuel Dupui, in the present 
town of Shawnee, on the Delaware River, in Monroe County. 


Next came Fort Hamilton, on the site of the present town of 
Stroudsburg, in Monroe County. Fort Penn was also erected in 
the eastern part of this town. These three forts were in the heart 
of the territory of the Munsee Clan of Delawares. Next was Fort 
Norris, about a mile southeast of Kresgeville, Monroe County; 
and fifteen miles west was Fort Allen where Weissport, Carbon 
County now stands. Then came Fort Franklin near Snydersville 
Schuylkill County; and nineteen miles west was, Fort Lebanon, 
also known as Fort William, not far from the present town of 
Auburn, in Schuylkill County. Then came Fort Henry at Die- 
trick Six's, near Millersburg, Berks County. This post is some- 
times called "Busse's Fort" from its commanding olilicer, also the 
"Fort at Dietrick Six's." Fort Lebanon and Fort Henry were 
twenty-two miles apart, and midway between them was the small 
post, Fort Northkill, near Strausstown, Berks County. Next 
came Fort Swatara, located in the vicinity of Swatara Gap, or 
Tolihaio Gap, Lebanon County; then Fort Manada at Manada 
Gap, Dauphin County; then Fort Hunter, on the east bank of 
the Susquehanna River at the mouth of Fishing Creek, six miles 
north of Harrisburg; then Fort Halifax at the mouth of Arm- 
strong Creek, half a mile above the present town of Halifax, on 
the east bank of the Susquehanna, in Dauphin County; then 
Fort Augusta at Sunbury, Northumberland County. While there 
were numerous block-houses, these posts were the principal forts 
east of the Susquehanna. 

Crossing the Susquehanna, we find Fort Patterson in the 
Tuscarora Valley at Mexico, Juniata County; Fort Granville, 
near Lewistown, Mifflin County; Fort Shirley, at Shirleysburg, 
Huntingdon County; Fort Lyttleton at Sugar Cabins, in the 
northeastern part of Fulton County; Fort McDowell, where Mc- 
Dowell's Mill, Franklin County, now stands; Fort Loudon, 
about a mile distant from the town of Loudon, Franklin County; 
Fort Morris at Shippensburg, Cumberland County; and Fort 
Lowther, at Carlisle, Cumberland County. Like the forts east 
of the Susquehanna, these forts were supplemented with block- 
houses in the vicinity. The erection of the entire chain of forts 
was completed in 1756. 

To garrison these forts and intervening posts and for patroling 
the neighborhood of each, a body of troops, called the "Pennsyl- 
vania Regiment," was organized, of which the Governor was, ex- 
ofificio, commander-in-chief. It was divided into three battalions. 
The First Battalion, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Conrad 


Weiser, consisting of ten companies and five hundred men, 
guarded the territory along the Blue or Kittatinny Mountains from 
the Susquehanna to the Delaware. The Second Battalion, com- 
manded by Lieutenant-Colonel John Armstrong, consisting of 
eight companies and four hundred men, guarded the district 
west of the Susquehanna, The Third Battalion, commanded by 
Colonel William Clapham, consisting of eight companies and 
four hundred men, guarded the region at and around Fort 
Augusta. Because of its location, it was called the "Augusta 
Regiment." Major James Burd was also in command of this 
regiment for a time. The troops not only garrisoned the regular 
forts, but were also located at stockaded mills and farm houses, 
from three to twenty at a place, at the disposition of the captains 
of the companies. 

A final word as to the distinction between the various places 
of defense and refuge. Reference is made in all chronicles deal- 
ing with the border wars in Pennsylvania to "forts," "block- 
houses" and "stations." Frequently the term "fort" is applied 
as well to "block-houses" and "stations." A "fort," especially 
the forts erected by the Colony of Pennsylvania, was a strong 
place of defense and refuge, stockaded and embracing cabins 
for the accommodation of the garrison and of families who sought 
refuge there. A "station" was a parallelogram of cabins, so 
united by palisades as to present a continued wall on the outer 
side. A "block-house" was a strong, square, two-storied struc- 
ture, having the upper story projecting over the lower about two 
feet, so that the inmates could shoot from above upon the 
Indians attempting to fire the building, to burst open the door 
or to climb its walls. Many stations and block-houses were 
erected by the harrassed settlers at their own expense and by 
their own labors. 


Massacres Early In 1756 

GOVERNOR MORRIS spent the greater part of January, 
1756, in visiting the frontiers for the purpose of seeing to 
the erection of forts and block houses. He was at Reading on 
January 5, and attended the Carhsle council of January 13th to 
17th, to be described in Chapter XL Taking leave, very largely, 
of the Governor, the Provincial Council and the Assembly for a 
time, we shall devote the present chapter to the narration of 
Indian atrocities in the early part of 1756. 

Massacre of Soldiers at Gnadenhuetten 

After the massacre of the Moravian missionaries at Gnaden- 
huetten, now Weissport, Carbon County, on the evening of 
November 24th, 1755, the surviving missionaries and the Chris- 
tianized Delawares of that place hastened to Bethlehem, leaving 
their effects and harvest behind. As stated in Chapter IX, the 
hostile Indians spread devastation and death throughout that 
region in the closing weeks of 1755, and a thorough and systematic 
plan of defense was formulated. Benjamin Franklin and James 
Hamilton, being selected to execute this plan, went to Easton, 
and, on December 29th, after their arrival, appointed William 
Parsons Major of the troops to be raised in Northampton County. 
In the meantime. Captain Hayes had been ordered to lead his 
company of troops from the Irish Settlement in Northampton 
County to Gnadenhuetten to guard the mills of the Moravians, 
which were filled with grain and had escaped the torch of the 
Indians, to keep the property of the Christian Delawares from 
being destroyed, and to protect the few settlers who still remained 
in the neighborhood. Hayes stationed his troops in the forsaken 
village and erected a temporary stockade. 

Then, on January 1st, 1756, a number of the soldiers, due to 
their lack of experience, fell victims to an Indian stratagem. While 
amusing themselves by skating on the Lehigh River, not far from 


the stockade, they saw two Indians farther up the stream, and, 
thinking to kill or capture them, gave chase while the Indians 
ran further up the river. These two Indians were decoys, who 
skillfully drew the soldiers into an ambush. After the soldiers 
had pursued them for some distance, a large party of Indians 
rushed out behind the troops, cut off their retreat, fell upon them 
with great fury, and quickly dispatched them. Some of the 
soldiers, remaining in the stockade, terrorized and horrified by 
the murder of their companions, deserted, while the others, 
despairing of defending the place, fled, leaving the mills, the 
stockade and the houses of the Christian Indians to be burned to 
ashes by the hostile Indians. 

Massacres in Monroe County 

Also, on January 1st, 1756, the Delaware chief, Teedyuscung 
led a band of about thirty Indians into lower Smithfield Town- 
ship, Monroe County, destroying the plantation of Henry Hess, 
killing Nicholas Colman and a laborer named Gotlieb, and captur- 
ing Peter Hess and young Henry Hess, son of Peter Hess and 
nephew of Henry Hess, the owner of the plantation. This attack 
took place about nine o'clock in the morning. Teedyuscung's 
band then went over the Blue Mountains and overtook five In- 
dians with two prisoners, Leonard and William Weeser, and a 
little later killed Peter Hess in the presence of his son. 

In a few days the Indians over-ran the country from Fort 
Allen as far as Nazareth, burning plantations, and killing and 
scalping settlers. During this same month, the Delawares entered 
Moore Township, Northampton County, burning the buildings of 
Christian Miller, Henry Shopp, Henry Diehl, Peter Doll, Nicholas 
Scholl, and Nicholas Heil, and killing one of Heil's children and 
John Bauman. The body of Bauman was found two weeks later, 
and buried in the Moravian cemetery at Nazareth. 

Young Henry Hess, one of the captives in this incursion, was 
delivered up by the Indians at the Easton Conference of Novem- 
ber, 1756, at which conference he made an affidavit, recorded in 
Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, page 56, from which the following state- 
ments are taken: 

That, on January 1st, 1756, he was at the plantation of his 
uncle, Henry Hess, in Lower Smithfield Township, and that his 
father, Peter Hess, Nicholas Coleman and one, Gotlieb, a 
laborer, were also there; that, about nine o'clock in the morning, 


they were surprised by a party of twenty-five Indians, let by 
Teedyuscung, some of whom were then attending the Easton 
Conference, namely, Peter Harrison, Samuel Evans, Christian, 
and Tom Evans; that the Indian band killed Nicholas Coleman 
and Gotlieb, took him and his father prisoners, set fire to the 
stable, and then hunted up the horses and took three of them; 
that the Indians then went over the second range of the Blue 
Mountains, and overtook five other Indians with two prisoners, 
Leonard and William Weeser; that a little later, they killed and 
scalped his father, Peter Hess, in his presence; that the two bands, 
now being united, stopped in the evening, kindled a fire, tied him 
and the two Weesers to a tree with ropes, in which manner they 
remained all night, although the night was extremely cold, the 
coldest night of the year; that the next day he and the other 
prisoners were taken to Wyoming, which they found deserted, 
its Indian population having fled to the Delaware village of 
Tunkhannock, the site of the present town of the same name, in 
Wyoming County; that their captors then took them to Tunk- 
hannock, where they found about one hundred and fifty Indians; 
that after the severe weather abated, all the Indians left Tunk- 
hannock, taking the prisoners with them, and went to Tioga, near 
the present town of Athens, Bradford County; that, during his 
stay with the Indians, small parties of five or six warriors, oc- 
casionally went to war, and returned with scalps and captives, 
which they said they had taken at Allemangle, in the northern 
part of Berks County, and in the Minisink region; and that he 
frequently heard his captors say that "all the country of Penn- 
sylvania did belong to them, and the Governors were always 
buying their lands from them but did not pay them for it." 

Leonard Weeser, one of the captives taken in this incursion, 
was also delivered up at the Easton Conference of November, 
1756, at which conference he made the following affidavit, giving 
the date of the beginning of the incursion as December 31st, 1 755 : 

"This examinant says that on the 31st of Dec'r last, he was at 
his father's House beyond the Mountains, in Smithfield Town- 
ship, Northampton County, w'th his Father, his Bro'r William 
and Hans Adam Hess; that Thirty Indians from Wyomink sur- 
rounded them as they were at Work, killed his Father and Hans 
Adam Hess and took this Examinant and his Brother William, 
aged 17, Prisoners. The next day the same Indians went to 
Peter Hess's, Father of the s'd Hans Adam Hess; they killed two 
young men, one Nicholas Burman, ye others name he knew not, 


and took Peter Hess and his elder son, Henry Hess, and went off 
ye next morning at the great Swamp, distant about 30 miles from 
Weeser's Plantation; they killed Peter Hess, sticking him with 
their knives, as this Examinant was told by ye Indians, for he 
was not present. Before they went off, they burned the Houses 
and a Barrack of Wheat, killed all ye Cattle and Horses and Sheep 
and destroyed all they could. Thro' ye Swamp they went directly 
to Wyomink, where they stayed only two days and then went up 
the river to Diahogo [Tioga], where they stayed till the Planting 
Time, and from thence they went to little Passeeca, an Indian 
Town up the Cayuge Branch, and there they stayed till they 
brought him [Leonard Weeser] down. Among the Indians who 
made this attack and took him Prisoner, were Teedyuscung, alias 
Gideon, alias Honest John, and three of his Sons, Amos and 
Jacob, ye other's name he knew not. Jacobus and his Son, 
Samuel Evans and Thomas Evans were present; Daniel was 
present, one Yacomb, a Delaware who used to live in his Father's 
Neighborhood. They said that all the country was theirs and 
they were never paid for it, and this they frequently gave as a 
reason for their conduct. The King's [Teedyuscung] Son, Amos, 
took him, this Examinant, and immediately gave him over to his 
Father . . . This Examinant saw at Diahogo a Boy of Henry 
Christmans, who lived near Fort Norris, and one Daniel William's 
Wife and five children, Ben Feed's wife and three children; a 
woman, ye wife of a Smith, who lived with Frederick Head, and 
three children; a woman taken at Cushictunk, a boy of Hunt's 
who lived in Jersey, near Canlin's Kiln and a Negro man; a boy 
taken about four miles from Head's, called Nicholas Kainsein, 
all of which were prisoners with the Indians at Diahogo and 
Passeeca, and were taken by the Delaware Indians; that Teedy- 
uscung did not go against the English after this Examinant was 
taken, Tho' his Sons did." (Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, page 45.) 

It will be noted that, in the above affidavit, Leonard Weeser 
says that the Indians said "that all the country was theirs and 
they were never paid for it, and this they frequently gave as a 
reason for their conduct." The murders that these Delawares 
committed were within the bounds of the "Walking Purchase." 
In a subsequent chapter, we shall find the able Delaware chief, 
Teedyuscung, of the Turtle Clan, boldly telling Governor Denny 
at the Easton Conference of November, 1756, that the injustice 
done the Delawares in this fraudulent land purchase was the 
principal reason why they took up arms against the Province. 


Not only the atrocities we are now describing, but those at Hoeth's 
and Brodheads, described in Chapter IX, were committed within 
the bounds of the "Walking Purchase." It was natural that the 
Delawares of the Munsee Clan headed for their own locality in 
striking their blows against the Province. 

The massacres of the first week in January filled the Province 
with alarm and confusion. Governor Morris was discouraged, as 
is shown in his letter written from Reading, on January 5th, to 
the Provincial Council, recorded in Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 
771 and 772: 

"The Commissioners [Benjamin Franklin and James Hamilton] 
have done everything that was proper in the County of North- 
ampton, but the People are not satisfied, nor, by what I can learn 
from the Commissioner, would they be unless every Man's House 
was protected by a Fort and a Company of Soldiers, and them- 
selves paid for staying at home and doing nothing. There are in 
that County at this time three hundred Men in Pay of the Gov- 
ernment, and yet from Disposition of the Inhabitants, the want 
of Conduct in the Officers and of Courage and Discipline in the 
Men, I am fearful that the whole Country will fall into the 
Enemy's Hands. 

"Yesterday and the day before I received the melancholy 
News of the Destruction of the Town of Gnadenhuetten, and of 
the greatest part of the Guard of forty Men placed there in order 
to erect a Fort. The particulars you will see by the inclosed 
Papers, so far as they are yet come to hand, but I am in hourly 
Expectation of further Intelligence by two Men that I dispatched 
for that Purpose upon the first News of the Afifair, whose long 
stay makes me apprehend some mischief has befallen them. 

"Last night an Express brought me an acco't that seven Farm 
Houses between Gnadenhuetten and Nazareth were on the First 
Instant burnt, about the time that Gnadenhuetten was, and some 
of the People destroyed, and the accounts are this date confirmed. 

"Upon this fresh alarm it is proposed that one of the Com- 
missioners return to Bethlehem and Easton, and there give fresh 
Directions to the Troops and post them in the best Manner for 
the Protection of the remaining Inhabitants." 

The commissioner, selected to "return to Bethlehem and 
Easton, and there give fresh direction to the troops," was Ben- 
jamin Franklin. This energetic and capable man at once went to 
Bethlehem from which place he wrote Governor Morris, on 
January 14th, telling him of the progress already made in raising 


additional troops and bringing order out of chaos. He then went 
to Gnadenhuetten, and superintended the erection of Fort Allen 
at that place, the site of which is now occupied by the "Fort 
Allen Hotel," at Weissport. He tells in his "Autobiography" 
some of the details of erecting Fort Allen, as follows: 

"Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found 
there, who had been half interred by the country people; the next 
morning our fort was planned and marked out, the circumference 
measuring four hundred fifty-five feet, which would require as 
many palisades to be made, one with another of a foot diameter 
each. Each pine made three palisades of eighteen feet long, 
pointed at one end. When they were set up, our carpenters made 
a platform of boards all round within, about six feet high, for the 
men to stand on when to fire through the loop holes. We had one 
swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the angles, and fired it as 
soon as fixed, to let the Indians know, if any were within hearing, 
that we had such pieces; and thus our fort (if that name may be 
given to so miserable a stockade) was finished in a week, though 
it rained so hard every other day that the men could not well 

Franklin's letter to Governor Morris of January 25th, and his 
official report of January 26th, give the details of the erecting of 
Fort Allen. These are found in Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 15 
and 16. He named the fort in honor of Judge William Allen, 
father of James Allen, who laid out Allentown in 1762, and was 
Chief Justice of the Province of Pennsylvania. Franklin, early 
in 1756, also superintended the erection of Fort Franklin, in the 
southeastern part of Schuylkill County, Fort Hamilton, where 
the town of Stroudsburg, Monroe County, now stands. Fort 
Hyndshaw, in Monroe County, about one mile from the Dela- 
ware River and near the Pike County line, and Fort Norris, near 
Kresgeville, Monroe County. Forts Hamilton and Hyndshaw 
stood in the very heart of the Minisink region, occupied by the 
Munsee or Wolf Clan of Delawares until their expulsion following 
the fraudulent "Walking Purchase" of 1737. 

In his official report, above mentioned, Franklin said that he 
had 522 men under his command, divided into companies whose 
heads were officers Trump, Aston, Wayne, Foulk, Trexler, 
Wetterholt, Orndt, Craig, Martin, Van Etten, Hays, McLaughlin 
and Parsons. 

This bloody incursion caused the settlers to flee in terror from 
their forest farms, and seek safety within the more thickly settled 


parts of the Province. As pointed out in Chapter IX, hundreds 
fled to the Moravian settlement at Nazareth, where, in Decemebr, 
1755, sentry boxes had been erected near the principal buildings, 
and stockades near by, at Gnadenthal (Vale of Grace), Friedens- 
thal (Vale of Peace), Christian's Spring and the Rose Inn. On 
January 29th, 1756, according to the annals of the Moravians, 
there were 253 fugitives at Nazareth, 52 at Gnadenthal, 48 at 
Christian's Spring, 21 at the Rose Inn and 75 at Friedensthal. 
Of these fugitives, 226 were children. 

Other forts, stockades and block houses, not already mentioned, 
erected at about the time the stockades at Nazareth were erected, 
and a little later, were: Breitenbach's Block House, near Myers- 
town, Lebanon County; Brown's Fort, in East Hanover Town- 
ship, Dauphin County; Davis' Block House, in the south-western 
part of Franklin County; Doll's Block House, in Moore Town- 
ship, Northampton County; Fort Everett, near where the town 
of Lynnport, Lehigh County, now stands; Harper's Block House, 
in East Hanover Township, Lebanon County; Hess' Block House, 
in Union Township, Lebanon County; the Fort or Block House at 
Lehigh Gap, on the north side of the Blue Mountains, in Carbon 
County, and, a little later, the stockade at Trucker's (Kern's) 
mill, three or four miles south of Lehigh Gap and in Lehigh 
County; Fort McCord, in Hamilton Township, Franklin County; 
Bingham's Fort, in Tuscarora Township, Juniata County; Mc- 
Kee's Fort, on the east shore of the Susquehanna, in the southern 
part of Northumberland County; Ralston's Fort, in the Irish 
Settlement in Northampton County, about five miles northwest 
of Bethlehem; Read's Block House, the stockaded residence of 
Adam Read, on Swatara Creek, in East Hanover Township, 
Lebanon County; Robinson's or Robeson's Fort, a stockaded 
mill, in East Hanover Township, Dauphin County; Robinson's 
Fort, or Block House, in Sherman's Valley, Perry County; 
Dietrich Snyder's Stockade, erected around his residence, in Berks 
County, on the road leading from the vicinity of Fort Northkill, 
near Strausstown, over the Blue Mountains to Pottsville, Schuyl- 
kill County; Benjamin Spycker's (Spiker) Stockade, around his 
residence in Jackson Township, Lebanon County, not far from 
the Berks County line and not far from Stouchsburg, Berks 
County, at which fortified house the German farmers, under 
Conrad Weiser, rendezvoused, in the latter part of October, 1755, 
as described in Chapter VII; Ulrich's Fort, near Annville, 
Lebanon County, being a mural dungeon or vault built into the 


hillside, with an air hole walled out and closed by a large stone on 
which was the inscription, "So oft die Dier den Ankel went. An 
deinen Tod, O Mensch, gedenk" (As oft as this door on its hinge 
doth swing. To thee, O Man, thought of death may it bring); 
Wind Gap Fort, near Wind Gap, Northampton County; and 
Zeller's Block House, near Newmanstown, in the south-eastern 
part of Lebanon County. 


We shall meet Teedyuscung again in the course of this history, 
not as a bloody warrior, but as an advocate of peace between the 
Eastern Delawares and the Province; but, inasmuch as he was 
the leader of the incursion of January 1st, just described, we 
deem it appropriate to give a short sketch, at this point, of his 
life up to the time of which we are writing. He was the son of 
the Delaware chief, John Harris, of the Turtle Clan, and was born 
at Trenton, New Jersey, about 1705. The early part of his life 
is clouded in obscurity; but, when he was about fifty years of age, 
he was chosen chief of the Delawares on the Susquehanna, and 
from that time until his tragic death on April 16th, 1763, he was 
one of the chief figures in the Indian history of Pennsylvania. 

He came under the influence of the Moravian missionaries, and 
was baptized by them as Brother Gideon. Honest John was also 
a name applied to him by the Moravians and others. Later he 
became an apostate, and endeavored to induce the Christian 
Delawares of Gnadenhuetten to remove to Wyoming, actually 
succeeding in gaining a party of seventy of the converts, who left 
Gnadenhuetten, April 24th, 1754, and took up their abode at 

In April, 1755, he attended a conference with the Provincial 
Authorities at Philadelphia, assuring them of his friendship for 
the English. At that time, he was living at Wyoming. His 
friendship for the English and Pennsylvania did not continue long 
after the conference of April, 1755. When the Delawares and 
Shawnees took up arms against Pennsylvania following Brad- 
dock's defeat, Teedyuscung, at Nescopeck with Shingas and 
other leaders of the hostile Indians, planned many a bloody ex- 
pedition against the frontiers of Eastern Pennsylvania. 

In March, 1756, he and the Delawares under him left the town 
of Wyoming and removed to Tioga (now Athens, Bradford 
County), followed at about the same time by the Shawnees from 


their town where Plymouth, Luzerne County, now stands, under 
the leadership of Paxinosa. After the death of Shikellamy, in 
1748, some of the Shamokin Delawares had settled at Tioga, and 
upon Teedyuscung's removal to that place, they and the Dela- 
wares of the Munsee Clan chose him "King of the Delawares." 
He was at that time busily engaged in forming an alliance be- 
tween the three clans of Delawares and the Shawnees, Nanticokes, 
and Mohicans of northeastern Pennsylvania. 

Massacre Near Schupp's Mill 

On January 15th, some refugees at Bethlehem went out into 
the country to look after their farms and cattle, among them being 
Christian Boemper. The party and some friendly Indians who 
escorted them, were ambushed by hostile Delawares near Schupps 
Mill, and all were killed except one named Adam Hold, who was 
so severely wounded that it was necessary later to amputate his 
arm. Those killed were Christian Boemper, Felty Hold, Michael 
Hold, Laurence Knuckel, and four privates of Captain Trump's 
Company then stationed at Fort Hamilton (Stroudsburg). 

At about the same time, a German, named Muhlhisen while 
breaking flax on the farm of Philip Bossert, in Lower Smithfield 
Township, Monroe County, was fatally wounded by an unseen 
Indian. One of Bossert's sons, hearing the report of the Indian's 
rifle, ran out of the house and was killed. Then old Philip Bos- 
sert, the owner of the farm, appeared on the scene, wounded one 
of the Indians, and was himself wounded badly. Neighbors then 
arrived upon the scene, and the Indians retreated. ("Frontier 
Forts of Penna.," Vol. 1, pages 200-201.) 

Massacres in Juniata and Perry Counties 

On January 27th, a band of Delawares from the Susquehanna, 
attacked the home of Hugh Mitchelltree, near Thompsontown, 
Juniata County, killing Mrs. Mitchelltree and a young man, 
named Edward Nicholas, Mr. Mitchelltree being then absent at 
Carlisle. The same band then went up the Juniata River. 
William Wilcox at that time lived on the opposite side of the 
river, whose wife and eldest son had come over the river on some 
business. The Indians came while they were there and killed old 
Edward Nicholas and his wife and took Joseph Nicholas, Thomas 
Nicholas, Catherine Nicholas, John Wilcox and Mrs. James Arm- 


strong and two children prisoners. An Indian named James 
Cotties and an Indian boy went to Sherman's Creek, Perry 
County, and killed William Sheridan and his family, 13 in num- 
ber. They then went down the creek to where three old persons 
lived, two men and a woman by the name of French whom they 
killed. Cotties afterward boasted that the boy took more scalps 
than the whole party. 

The above is the account of this massacre, found in Loudon's 
"Indian Narratives." In Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, page 566, is found 
the following letter of Governor Morris, dated February 3d, 
relative to this massacre: 

"I have just received the melancholy intelligence from Cum- 
berland County that a fresh party of Indians are again fallen 
upon ye settlements, on Juniata, and have carry'd off several of 
ye people there to ye number of 15 or upwards." 

Also, on page 568 of the same volume of the Pennsylvania 
Archives, is found the letter of Rev. Thomas Barton, dated 
February 6th, referring to this massacre, as follows: 

"Within three miles of Patterson's Fort was found Adam 
Nicholson and his wife, dead and scalped; his two sons and a 
Daughter are carried off, Hugh Mitchelltree and a son of said 
Nicholson, dead and scalped, with many children, in all about 17. 
The same Day, one Sherridan, a Quaker, his wife, three children 
and a Servant were kill'd and scalped, together with one, Wm. 
Hamilton and his Wife, his Daughter and one, French, within 
ten miles of Carlisle, a little beyond Stephen's Gap. 

"It is dismal. Sir, to see the Distress of the People; women and 
Children screaming and lamenting, men's hearts failing them for 
Fear under all the Anguish of Despair. The Inhabitants over the 
Hills are entirely fleeing, so that in two or three Days the North 
Mountain will be the Frontier. Industry droops, and all Sorts 
of Work seem at an End. In short. Sir, it appears as if this Part 
of the Country breath'd its last. I remember you dreaded this 
blow would be struck in February; and now we know that our 
Danger hastens with the Encrease of the Moon, and we expect 
nothing but Death and Ruin every night." 

Mrs. James Armstrong later escaped, and waded across the 
Susquehanna to Fort Augusta, June 26th, 1757, where her 
husband was then a soldier. On April 12th, 1759, the Iroquois 
delivered up one of the children, Elizabeth Armstrong, at 
Canajoharie, New York. She had been given to them by the 
Delawares, and was then only four years old. 


Loudon relates of the Indian, James Cotties, that in the 
autumn of 1757, he went to Fort Hunter, and killed a young man, 
named William Martin, while gathering chestnuts; also, that 
after the French and Indian War, he came to Fort Hunter and 
boasted what a good friend he had been to the white people dur- 
ing the war, whereupon a friendly Delaware, named Hambus, 
accused him of having killed young Martin, and the two Indians 
began to fight. A little later in the day, Cotties got drunk and 
fell asleep near the fort, whereupon Hambus slipped up and 
killed him with his tomahawk. 

During the incursion of January 27th, occurred the murder of 
the Woolcomber family, Quakers, on Sherman's Creek, Perry 
County, thus described in Loudon's "Indian Narratives," as if it 
took place in the latter part of 1755: 

"The next I remember of was in 1755, the Woolcombers family 
on Shearman's Creek; the whole of the inhabitants of the valley 
was gathered at Robinson's, but Woolcomber would not leave 
home, he said it was the Irish [Scotch-Irish] who were killing one 
another; these peaceable people, the Indians would not hurt any 
person. Being at home and at dinner, the Indians came in, and 
the Quaker asked them to come and eat dinner; an Indian an- 
nounced that he did not come to eat, but for scalps; the son, a 
boy of fourteen or fifteen years of age when he heard the Indian 
say so, repaired to a back door, and as he went out he looked back, 
and saw the Indian strike the tomahawk into his father's head. 
The boy then ran over the creek, which was near the house, and 
heard the screams of his mother, sisters and brother. The boy 
came to our Fort [Robinson] and gave us the alarm; about forty 
went to where the murder was done and buried the dead." 

A few days after the massacre of January 27th, some Indians, 
probably members of this same band, had a skirmish with 
thirteen soldiers from Croghan's Fort, at Aughwick, within a 
short distance of the fort. One of the soldiers was wounded, and 
two of the Indians were killed, on this occasion. (Pa. Archives, 
Vol. 2, page 571.) 

Two months later, or on March 29th, 1756, the Indians again 
came to the neighborhood where the murders of January 27th 
were committed. They attacked Patterson's Fort, and, accord- 
ing to a letter written by Captain Patterson to his wife, they 
carried ofT Hugh Mitchelltree, about five o'clock in the evening, 
while foddering his cattle within sight of the fort. Evidently, 
then, Rev. Thomas Barton was mistaken in his letter, quoted 


above, in saying that Hugh Mitchelltree was killed in the massa- 
cre of January 27th. (Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, page 613.) 

On March 24th, Captain William Patterson with a scouting 
party had an encounter with a party of Delawares on Middle 
Creek, in what is now Snyder County, killing and scalping one 
and routing the rest. On his return to his fort, he reported that 
the country from the forks of the Susquehanna (Sunbury) to 
the Juniata was "swarming with Indians, looking for scalps and 
plunder, and burning all the houses and destroying all the grain 
which the fugitive settlers had left in the region." ("Frontier 
Forts of Penna.," Vol. 1, pages 594-595.) 

Patterson's Fort near which some of the murders of January 
27th, were committed, was the fortified residence of Captain 
James Patterson, situated where the town of Mexico, Juniata 
County, now stands. The residence was fortified before the close 
of 1755. Captain James Patterson was the father of Captain 
William Patterson. The son lived opposite Mexico, and had a 
fortified residence, also called Fort Patterson, but it seems that 
the son's fort was not erected until the time of Pontiac's War. 

There has been much confusion as to these two forts. By in- 
structions given by Benjamin Franklin to George Croghan, on 
December 17th, 1755, the latter was to "fix on proper places for 
erecting three stockades, one back of Patterson's." This stockade 
"back of Patterson's" was to be called Pomfret Castle, and was 
to be erected on Mahantango Creek, near Richfield, Juniata 
County, but within the limits of Snyder County. Many his- 
torians doubt whether Pomfret Castle was ever erected. Gov- 
ernor Morris wrote on January 29th, 1756, saying it was erected. 
Then, hearing of the massacre of January 27th, he wrote to 
Captain Burd, on February 3d, reprimanding him and Captain 
Patterson for being remiss in not having erected the fort that was 
"order'd to be built at Matchitongo." (Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, 
pages 556 and 566.) 

Capture of John and Richard Coxe and John Craig 

On February 11th, 1756, occurred the capture of John Coxe, his 
brother Richard, and John Craig, thus described in the "Frontier 
Forts of Pennsylvania": 

"At a council, held at Philadelphia, Tuesday, September 6th, 
1756, the statement of John Coxe, a son of the widow Coxe, was 
made, the substance of which is: He, his brother Richard, and 


John Craig were taken in the beginning of February of that year 
by nine Delaware Indians from a plantation two miles from Mc- 
Dowell's mill, [Franklin County], which was between the east and 
west branches of the Conococheague Creek, about 20 miles west 
of the present site of Shippensburg, in what is now Cumberland 
County, and brought to Kittanning on the Ohio. On his way 
hither he met Shingas with a party of 30 men, and afterward 
Capt. Jacobs and 15 men, whose design was to destroy the settle- 
ments on Conococheague. When he arrived at Kittanning, he 
saw here about 100 fighting men of the Delaware tribe, with their 
families, and about 50 English prisoners, consisting of men, 
women and children. During his stay here, Shingas' and Jacobs' 
parties returned, the one with nine scalps and ten prisoners, the 
other with several scalps and five prisoners. Another company 
of 18 came from Diahogo with 17 scalps on a pole, which they took 
to Fort Duquesne to obtain their reward. The warriors held a 
council, which, with their war dances, continued a week, when 
Capt. Jacobs left with 48 men, intending as Coxe was told, to fall 
upon the inhabitants at Paxtang. He heard the Indians fre- 
quently say that they intended to kill all the white folks, except a 
few, with whom they would afterwards make peace. They made 
an example of Paul Broadley, who, with their usual cruelty, they 
beat for half an hour with clubs and tomahawks, and then, 
having fastened him to a post, cropped his ears close to his head, 
and chopped off his fingers, calling all the prisoners to witness 
the horrible scene." 

Additional details of the incursion which the Coxe boys and 
John Craig were captured are given in Egle's "History of Penn- 
sylvania," as follows: 

"In February, 1756, a party of Indians made marauding in- 
cursions into Peters Township. They were discovered on Sunday 
evening, by one Alexander, near the house of Thomas Barr. He 
was pursued by the savages, but escaped and alarmed the fort at 
McDowell's mill. Early on Monday morning a party of fourteen 
men of Captain Croghan's company, who were at the mill, and 
about twelve other young men, set off to watch the motion of the 
Indians. Near Barr's house they fell in with fifty, and sent back 
for a reinforcement from the fort. The young lads proceeded by 
a circuit to take the enemy in the rear, whilst the soldiers did 
attack them in front. But the impetuosity of the soldiers defeated 
their plan. Scarce had they got within gunshot, they fired upon 
the Indians, who were standing around the fire, and killed several 


of them at the first discharge. The Indians returned fire, killed 
one of the soldiers, and compelled the rest to retreat. The party 
of young men, hearing the report of firearms, hastened up, finding 
the Indians on the ground which the soldiers had occupied, fired 
upon the Indians with effect; but concluding the soldiers had fled, 
or were slain, they also retreated. One of their number, Barr's 
son, was wounded, would have fallen by the tomahawk of an 
Indian, had not the savage been killed by a shot from Armstrong, 
who saw him running upon the lad. Soon after soldiers and young 
men being joined by a reinforcement from the mill, again sought 
the enemy, who, eluding the pursuit, crossed the creek near 
William Clark's, and attempted to surprise the fort; but their 
design was discovered by two Dutch lads, coming from foddering 
their master's cattle. One of the lads was killed, but the other 
reached the fort, which was immediately surrounded by the In- 
dians, who, from a thicket, fired many shots at the men in the 
garrison, who appeared above the wall, and returned the fire as 
often as they obtained sight of the enemy. At this time, two men 
crossing to the mill, fell into the middle of the assailants, but 
made their escape to the fort, though fired at three times. The 
party at Barr's house now came up, and drove the Indians through 
the thicket. In their retreat they met five men from Mr. Hoop's, 
riding to the mill; they killed one of these and wounded another 
severely. The sergeant at the fort having lost two of his men, 
declined to follow the enemy until his commander, Mr. Crawford, 
who was at Hoop's, should return, and the snow falling thick, the 
Indians had time to burn Mr. Barr's house, and in it consumed 
their dead. On the morning of the 2nd of March, Mr. Crawford, 
with fifty men, went in quest of the enemy, but was unsuccessful 
in his search." 

John Coxe further said in his statement, which is found in Pa. 
Col. Rec. Vol. 7, pages 242 and 243, that in March following his 
capture, he was taken by three Indians to Tioga, where he found 
about fifty warriors of the Delawares and Mohicans, and about 
twenty German captives; that, while he was there, the Indians 
frequently went out in parties of twelve to murder the settlers 
and as often returned with scalps but no prisoners; that, on the 
9th of August, he left Tioga with his Indian master, Makomsey, 
and came down the Susquehanna to the Indian town of Gnahay, 
whose location is unknown, to get some corn; and that he here 
made his escape, on August 14th, and arrived at Fort Augusta 
(Sunbury) that evening. 


The following letter, written by Captain William Trent, at 
Carlisle, on Sunday evening, February 15th, 1756, and sent to 
Richard Peters, fixes the date of the capture of the Coxe boys and 
John Craig, and shows how Shingas and Captain Jacobs were 
keeping the settlers in a state of terror : 

"Wednesday evening two lads were taken or killed at the 
Widow Cox's, just under Parnell's Knob, and a lad who went 
from McDowell's Mill to see what fire it was never returned, the 
horse coming back with the Reins over his Neck; they burnt the 
House and shot down the Cattle. Just now came News that a 
Party of Indian Warriors were come out against the Inhabitants 
from some of the Susquehanna Towns, and yesterday some people 
who were over in Sherman's Valley, discovered fresh Tracks; all 
the People have left their Houses betwixt this and the Mountain, 
some coming to town [Carlisle] and others gathering into little 
Forts; they are moving their Effects from Shippensburg, every 
one thinks of flying; unless the Government fall upon some 
Method, and that immediately, of securing the Frontiers, there 
will not be one Inhabitant in this Valley one Month longer." (Pa. 
Archives, Vol. 2, page 575.) 

Murder of Frederick Reichelsdorfer's Daughters 

"The Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania" contains the following 
account of one of the saddest tragedies of the terrible winter of 
which we are writing, the date of the atrocity being February 
14th, 1756: 

"The Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, D. D., in the Hall- 
ische Nachrichten, tells the soul-stirring story of Frederick Reich- 
elsdorfer, whose two grown daughters had attended a course of 
instruction, under him, in the Catechism, and been solemnly ad- 
mitted by confirmation to the communion of the Ev. Lutheran 
Church, in New Hanover, Montgomery County. 

"This man afterwards went with his family some distance into 
the interior, to a tract of land which he had purchased in Albany 
Township, Berks County. When the war with the Indians broke 
out, he removed his family to his former residence, and occasion- 
ally returned to his farm, to attend to his grain and cattle. On 
one occasion he went, accompanied by his two daughters, to 
spend a few days there, and bring away some wheat. On Friday 
evening, after the wagon had been loaded, and everything was 
ready for their return on the morrow, his daughters complained 


that they felt anxious and dejected, and were impressed with the 
idea that they were soon to die. They requested their father to 
unite with them in singing the famiHar German funeral hymn, 
'Wer weiss wie nahe meine Ende. ' 
[Who knows how near my end may be. ] 
after which they commended themselves to God in prayer, and 
retired to rest. 

"The light of the succeeding morn beamed upon them, and all 
was yet well. Whilst the daughters were attending to the dairy, 
cheered with the joyful hope of soon greeting their friends, and 
being out of danger, the father went to the field for the horses, to 
prepare for their departure home. As he was passing through the 
field, he suddenly saw two Indians, armed with rifles, tomahawks 
and scalping knives, making towards him at full speed. The sight 
so terrified him that he lost all self command, and stood motion- 
less and silent. When they were about twenty yards from him, 
he suddenly and with all his strength, exclaimed 'Lord Jesus, 
living and dying, I am thine!' Scarcely had the Indians heard 
the words 'Lord Jesus' (which they probably knew as the white 
man's name of the Great Spirit), when they stopped short, and 
uttered a hideous yell. 

"The man ran with almost supernatural strength into the 
dense forest, and by taking a serpentine course, the Indians lost 
sight of him, and relinquished the pursuit. He hastened to an 
adjoining farm, where two German families resided, for assistance, 
but on approaching near it, he heard the dying groans of the 
families, who were falling beneath the murderous tomahawks of 
some other Indians. 

[One of these families was the family of Jacob Gerhart. One 
man, two women and six children were murdered. Two children 
hid under the bed, one of which was burned to death, and the 
other escaped and ran a mile for help. ("Frontier Forts of Penn- 
sylvania," Vol. 1, pages 152 and 153.) ] 

"Having providentially not been observed by them, he has- 
tened back to learn the fate of his daughters. But, alas! on ar- 
riving within sight, he found his home and barn enveloped with 
flames. Finding that the Indians had possession here too, he 
hastened to another adjoining farm for help. Returning, armed 
with several men, he found the house reduced to ashes and the 
Indians gone. His eldest daughter had been almost entirely burnt 
up, a few remains only of her body being found. And, awful to 
relate, the younger daughter though the scalp had been cut from 


her head, and her body horribly mangled from head to foot with 
the tomahawk, was yet living. 'The poor worm,' says Muhlen- 
berg, 'was able to state all the circumstances of the dreadful 
scene.' After having done so she requested her father to stoop 
down to her that she might give him a parting kiss, and then go 
to her dear Saviour; and after she had impressed her dying lips 
upon his cheek, she yielded her spirit into the hands of that 
Redeemer, who, though His judgments are often unsearchable, 
and His ways past finding out, has nevertheless said, ' I am the 
resurrection and the life; if any man believe in me, though he die 
yet shall he live.' " 

Attack on Andrew Lycans and John Rewalt 

On March 7th, Andrew Lycans and John Rewalt, settlers in 
the Wiconisco, or Lykens Valley in Dauphin County, went out 
early in the morning to feed their cattle when they were fired upon 
by Indians. Hastening into the house, they prepared to defend 
themselves. The Indians concealed themselves behind a pig-pen 
some distance from the dwelling. Lycans' son, John, John Re- 
walt, and Ludwig Shutt, a neighbor, upon creeping out of the 
house, in an effort to discover the whereabouts of the Indians, 
were fired upon and each one wounded, Shutt very dangerously. 
At this point Andrew Lycans discovered an Indian named Joshua 
James and two white men running away from their hiding place 
near the pig-pen. The elder Lycans then fired, killing the Indian ; 
and he and his party then sought safety in flight, but were closely 
pursued by at least twenty of the Indians. John Lycans and 
John Rewalt, although badly wounded, made their escape with 
the aid of a negro servant, leaving Andrew Lycans, Ludwig Shutt, 
and a boy to engage the Indians. The Indians then rushed upon 
these and, as one of their number, named Bill Davis, was in the 
act of striking the boy with his tomahawk, he was shot dead by 
Shutt, while Andrew Lycans killed another and wounded a third. 
Andrew Lycans also recognized two others of the band, namely, 
Tom Hickman and Tom Hays, members of the Delaware tribe. 
The Indians then momentarily ceased their pursuit, and Lycans, 
Shutt, and the boy, weak from the loss of blood, sat down on a 
log to rest, believing that they were no longer in imminent danger. 
Later, Lycans managed to lead his party to a place of conceal- 
ment and then over the mountain into Hanover Township, where 
they were given assistance by settlers. Andrew Lycans, however, 


died from his wounds and terrible exposure. His name has been 
given to the charming valley of the Wiconisco. (Penna. Gazette, 
March 18th, 1756.) 

Attack on Zeislof and Kluck Families 

On March 24th, some settlers with ten wagons went to Albany, 
Berks County, for the purpose of bringing a family with their 
effects to a point near Reading. As they were returning, they 
were fired upon by a number of Indians on both sides of the road. 
The wagoners, leaving the wagons, ran into the woods, and the 
horses, frightened at the terrible yelling of the Indians, ran off. 
The Indians on this occasion, killed George Zeislof and his wife, a 
boy aged twenty, another aged twelve, and a girl aged fourteen. 
Another girl of the party was shot through the neck and mouth, 
and scalped, but made her escape. 

On the same day the Indians burned the home of Peter Kluck, 
about fourteen miles from Reading, and killed the entire family. 
While the Kluck home was burning, the Indians assaulted the 
house of a settler named Lindenman nearby, in which there were 
two men and a woman, all of whom ran upstairs, where the 
woman was killed by a bullet which penetrated the roof. The 
men then ran out of the house. Lindenman was shot through the 
neck. In spite of his wound, Lindenman succeeded in shooting 
one of the Indians. 

At about the same time a boy named John Schoep, who lived 
in this neighborhood, was captured and taken seven miles beyond 
the Blue Mountains where, according to the statement of Schoep, 
the Indians kindled a fire, tied him to a tree, took off his shoes, 
and put moccasins on his feet. They then prepared themselves 
some mush, but gave him none. After supper they took young 
Schoep and another boy between them, and proceeded over the 
second mountain. During the second night of his captivity, when 
the Indians were asleep, young Schoep made his escape, and re- 
turned home. 

During the raid in which the above outrages occurred, the In- 
dians killed the wife of Baltser Neytong, and captured his son 
aged eight. And in November, the Indians entered this region, 
and carried off the wife and three children of Adam Burns, the 
youngest child being only four weeks old. They also killed a man 
named Stonebrook, and captured a girl in this raid. ("Frontier 
Forts of Penna.," Vol. 1, pages 153 to 155.) 


Shingas Burns McCord's Fort 

On April 1st, 1756, Shingas attacked and burned Fort McCord, 
a private fort, erected in the autumn of 1755, and located several 
miles north-east of Fort Loudon, Franklin County, and not far 
from the Yankee Gap in the Kittatinny Mountains, west of 
Chambersburg. All the inmates of the fort, twenty-seven in 
number, were either killed or captured. After the destruction of 
the fort, Shingas' band was pursued by three bodies of settlers 
and soldiers. One body, commanded by Captain Alexander 
Culbertson, overtook the Indians on Sideling Hill. Here a fierce 
battle was fought for two hours, but Shingas being reinforced, 
the white men were defeated with great loss, twenty-one killed 
and seventeen wounded. 

Among the killed were: Captain Alexander Culbertson, John 
Reynolds, William Kerr, James Blair, John Leason, William 
Denny, Francis Scott, William Boyd, Jacob Painter, Jacob Jones, 
Robert Kerr and William Chambers. Among the wounded were 
Francis Campbell, Abraham Jones, William Reynolds, John 
Barnet, Benjamin Blyth, John McDonald and Isaac Miller. 
The Indians, according to the statement of one of their number 
who was captured, lost seventeen killed and twenty-one wounded 
in this engagement. 

Another body, commanded by Ensign Jamison, from Fort 
Granville, went in pursuit of the same band of Indians, and was 
also defeated. Among the killed were: Daniel McCoy, James 
Robinson, James Pierce, John Blair, Henry Jones, John McCarty 
and John Kelly. Among the wounded were: Ensign Jamison, 
James Robinson (There were two James Robinsons in Ensign 
Jamison's party), William Hunter, Matthias Ganshorn, William 
Swails and James Louder, the last of whom later died of his 

Captain Hance Hamilton, in a letter written to Captain Potter, 
dated Fort Lyttleton, April 4th, and recorded in Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 7, page 77, says the following concerning the terrible events 
of which we are writing: 

"These come to inform you of the melancholy news of what 
occurred between the Indians, that have taken many captives 
from McCord's Fort and a party of men under the command of 
Captain Alexander Culbertson and nineteen of our men, the whole 
amounting to about fifty, with the captives, and had a sore en- 
gagement, many of both parties killed and many wounded, the 


number unknown. Those wounded want a surgeon, and those 
killed require your assistance as soon as possible, to bury them. 
We have sent an express to Fort Shirley for Doctor Mercer, sup- 
posing Doctor Jamison is killed or mortally wounded in the ex- 
pedition. He being not returned, therefore, desire you will send 
an express, immediately, for Doctor Prentice to Carlisle; we 
imagining Doctor Mercer cannot leave the fort under the cir- 
cumstances the fort is under. Our Indian, Isaac, has brought in 
Captain Jacobs' scalp." 

The scalp brought in by the friendly Indian, Isaac, was not 
that of Captain Jacobs. This chief was not killed until the 
destruction of Kittanning, by Colonel John Armstrong and his 
Scotch-Irish troops from the Cumberland Valley, September 8th, 

Likewise, Robert Robinson thus describes the attack on Mc- 
Cord's Fort and the pursuit of the savages: 

"In the year 1756 a party of Indians came out of the Conoco- 
cheague to a garrison named McCord's Fort, where they killed 
some and took a number prisoners. They then took their course 
near to Fort Lyttleton. Captain Hamilton being stationed there 
with a company, hearing of their route at McCord's Fort, marched 
with his company of men, having an Indian with him who was 
under pay. The Indians had McCord's wife with them; they cut 
off Mr. James Blair's head and threw it into Mrs. McCord's lap, 
saying that it was her husband's head; but she knew it to be 

Mrs. McCord was taken to Kittanning, where she was rescued 
when Colonel John Armstrong's forces destroyed this noted 
stronghold of the Delawares. 

The terrible disaster of Fort McCord and vicinity caused the 
greatest consternation among the harried settlers of the Cumber- 
land Valley. Block houses and farms were abandoned, and 
refugees came streaming into Carlisle. 

A monument now marks the site of Fort McCord, having there- 
on a list of the killed and wounded — members of the leading 
pioneer families of the present counties of Cumberland, Frank- 
lin and Fulton. 


This chapter brings us up to the time of Pennsylvania's decla- 
ration of war against the Delawares and Shawnees. It is a story 
of outrage, devastation and murder. But many of the horrors 


on the Pennsylvania frontier during the early part of 1756 will 
remain forever unrecorded. The statement of the French that, 
from Braddock's defeat until the middle of March, 1756, more 
than seven hundred people in Pennsylvania, Virginia and North 
Carolina were killed and captured by the Delawares and Shaw- 
nees, gives one an idea of the appalling tragedies in the cabin 
homes of the pioneers. 


Carlisle Council — War Declared 

ON January 13th to January 17th, 1756, an important In- 
dian council was held at Carlisle between Governor Morris, 
James Hamilton, Richard Peters, William Logan, Joseph Fox, 
Conrad Weiser and George Croghan, on the one hand, and the 
following Indians, on the other hand: The Belt of Wampum, 
Aroas (Silver Heels), Jagrea (Zigera, Sata Karoyis), Canachquasy 
(Kos Showweyha, Captain New Castle), Seneca George, Isaac, 
and several chiefs of the Conestogas. The council had particular 
reference to affairs on the Ohio. 

George Croghan reported, at this council, that, in the latter 
part of 1755, at the request of Governor Morris, he had sent 
Delaware Jo, a friendly Indian, to the Ohio to gain what informa- 
tion he could about the attitude and actions of the Delawares and 
Shawnees of that place. Delaware Jo returned to Croghan's 
fortified trading house, often called Croghan's Fort, at Aughwick, 
now Shirleysburg, Huntingdon County, on January 8th, 1756. On 
his journey to the Ohio, he visited Kittanning and Logstown. 
He reported that, at Kittanning, then the residence of Shingas 
and Captain Jacobs, he found one hundred and forty warriors, 
mostly Delawares and Shawnees, and about one hundred English 
prisoners, captured on the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania; 
that, at Kittanning, he met the Delaware chief, King Beaver, or 
Tamaque, a brother of Shingas and Pisquetomen, and that King 
Beaver told him that the French had often offered the Delawares 
and Shawnees the "French Hatchet," but they had refused it 
until April or May, 1755, when some Iroquois, Adirondack and 
Caughnawage warriors, stopping at Fort Duquesne, on their 
way to attack the Catawbas and Cherokees, were prevailed upon 
by the French to offer the "French Hatchet" to the Delawares 
and Shawnees, who then and there accepted the hatchet, and 
went with the other Indians into Virginia. King Beaver further 
told Delaware Jo that neither he nor the other chiefs of the Dela- 
wares and Shawnees approved the action of the members of their 


tribes who had accepted the "French Hatchet," that they were 
sorry for this action, and wished to "make Matters up with the 

At Logstown, Delaware Jo found about one hundred Indians 
and thirty EngUsh prisoners. These prisoners had been captured 
on the frontiers of Virginia. The French had tried to buy the 
prisoners, but the Indians refused to sell them until they should 
hear from the Six Nations. Delaware Jo further reported that 
there were some warriors of the Six Nations living with the Dela- 
wares and Shawnees on the Allegheny and Ohio, and that they 
often went with them in their incursions into the settlements. 
When at Logstown, this friendly Delaware intended to go to 
Fort Duquesne to see what the French were doing, but found he 
could not cross the river for the driving of the ice. He was in- 
formed, however, that the number of the French did not exceed 
four hundred. From Logstown, he returned to Kittanning, and 
there learned that ten Delawares had recently left for the Sus- 
quehanna, "as he supposed to persuade those Indians to strike 
the English, who might perhaps be concerned in the Mischief 
lately done in the County of Northampton" — atrocities described 
in Chapter X. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, pages 781, 782.) 

James Hamilton reported, at this council, that, in November, 
1755, he had sent Aroas, or Silver Heels, to the Indian towns on 
the Susquehanna to gain information, whereupon Aroas was 
called in and gave the following account of his journey: 

"That he found no Indians at Shamokin, and therefore pro- 
ceeded higher up Sasquehanna, as far as to Nescopecka, where he 
saw one hundred and forty Indians, all Warriors; that they were 
dancing the war dance; expressed great bitterness against the 
English, and were preparing for an expedition against them, and 
he thought would go to the Eastward. He did not stay with 
them, finding them in this disposition, but went to the House of 
an uncle of his, at a little distance from Nescopecka, between 
that and Wyoming, who told him the Delawares and Shawnees 
on the Ohio were persuaded by the French to strike the English, 
and had put the Hatchet into the Hands of the Susquehannah 
Indians, a great many of whom had taken it greedily, and there 
was no persuading them to the Contrary, and that they would 
do abundance of mischief to the People of Pennsylvania, against 
whom they were preparing to go to War." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 6, 
page 783.) 

The Belt of Wampum, at this council, made a long speech in 


which he reviewed the events that had taken place on the Ohio 
and Allegheny from the time the French had first occupied this 
region until the Delawares and Shawnees took up arms against 
Pennsylvania. Being the official keeper of the wampum belts, 
this chief was well qualified to review these events. Among other 
things, he said that, after Tanacharison had delivered his third 
notice to the French to withdraw from the valleys of the Al- 
legheny and Ohio, it was learned that "the French had prevailed 
upon the Shawonese, who were a Nation in alliance with the Six 
Nations, and living by their Sufferance upon a part of their 
Country, and upon the Delawares, who were a tribe conquered 
by and entirely dependent upon them, to enter into a separate 
and private Treaty with them, by which they, the Shawonese 
and Delawares, had agreed not only to permit the French to 
take Possession of the Country upon the Ohio, as far as they 
would, but to assist them against the English, if their Aid should 
be found necessary in the Contest, which the taking Possession of 
that Country should occasion. That, in consequence of this 
secret Treaty, and upon the Persuasions of the French, who have 
acquired a considerable Influence over these Two Tribes, they 
had fallen upon the English and done the mischief already com- 
plained of without any just Reason or Cause." (Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 6, pages 3 and 4.) 

There are several significant things in the above statement of 
the Belt of Wampum. One is that the Delawares and Shawnees 
were endeavoring to break away from the overlordship of the Six 
Nations, their conquerors, and to make treaties for themselves. 
Another is, as Dr. George P. Donehoo points out in his "Penn- 
sylvania — A History," that "the attempts of the Quaker element 
in the Assembly to justify the action of these hostile tribes, from 
the standpoint of the Six Nations, was without any real founda- 
tion." This is evident from the great historical fact that those 
Iroquois on the Ohio and Allegheny who went with the Shawnees 
and Delawares on their incursions into the settlements were not 
genuine members of the great Iroquois or Six Nation Confedera- 
tion, but a mixture of Iroquoian stock on the outskirts of the 
habitat of the Senecas. In other words, these Indians who 
joined the Delawares and Shawnees, were a mongrel population 
of the Ohio and Allegheny valleys, known as the Mingoes; they 
were not true representatives of the Confederation of the Six 
Nations, and were beyond the jurisdiction of the historic Con- 


George Croghan said, at this Carlisle council, that he believed 
the Delawares and Shawnees were acting in their hostile manner 
with the approval of the Six Nations; but he should have con- 
sidered that the Mingoes were a rabble element beyond the 
jurisdiction of the Six Nations, and that the true representatives 
of the great Iroquois Confederation on the Ohio, such as Tanacha- 
rison, Scarouady, The Belt of Wampum, Captain New Castle 
and Seneca George, never wavered in their friendship for the 
English and always disapproved of the hostile actions of the 
Mingoes. They even succeeded in keeping many of the Dela- 
wares and Shawnees friendly to the English. 

Scarouady Returns From His Mission to the Six Nations 

We shall now learn from Scarouady the real attitude of the 
Six Nations. As stated in Chapter IX, Governor Morris, in the 
middle of November, 1755, sent Scarouady and Andrew Montour 
on a mission to the Six Nations — a mission in which they were 
instructed to give the real authorities of the Six Nations a com- 
plete account of the bloody invasion of the Delawares and Shaw- 
nees and to ascertain whether or not this invasion was made with 
the knowledge, consent or order of the Six Nations, also to 
ascertain whether the Six Nations would chastise the Delawares 
and Shawnees for their hostile action. 

Scarouady and Montour returned to Philadelphia from this 
mission on March 21, 1756, and on the 27th of that month, they 
appeared before the Provincial Council, and made a report of 
their journey. They had gone by way of Tulpehocken and 
Thomas McKee's trading post to Shamokin; and from there 
through Laugpaughpitton's Town and Nescopeck to Wyoming 
(Plymouth, Luzerne County). At Wyoming they found a large 
number of Delawares, some Shawnees, Mohicans, and members 
of the Six Nations. They next came to Asserughney, a Delaware 
Town, twelve miles above Wyoming, near the junction of the 
Susquehanna and Lackawanna. Their next stop was at Chink- 
annig (Tunkhannock), twenty miles farther up the Susquehanna, 
where they found the great Delaware chief, Teeduscung, with 
some Delawares and Nanticokes. Their next stop was at Diahogo 
(Tioga), a town composed of Mohicans and Delawares of the 
Munsee Clan, located where Athens, Bradford County, now 
stands, at which place they found ninety warriors. About twenty- 
five miles beyond, they came to the deserted town of Owegy. 


Leaving this place they arrived at Chugnut, about twenty miles 
distant. About five miles above Chugnut, was the town of 
Otseningo, where they found thirty cabins and about sixty war- 
riors of the Nanticokes, Conoys, and Onondagas. Fourteen miles 
beyond this place they came to Oneoquagque, where they sent a 
message to the Governor of Pennsylvania, written by Rev. 
Gideon Hawley. From there they proceeded to Teyonnoderre 
and Teyoneandakt, and next to Caniyeke, the Lower Mohawk 
Town, located about two miles from Fort Johnson, and about 
forty miles from Albany, New York. At Fort Johnson, they held 
a conference in February, 1756, with Sir William Johnson and the 
chiefs of the Six Nations, who expressed great resentment over 
the action of the hostile Delawares. 

This was a very dangerous journey for Scarouady and Mon- 
tour. While they were at Wyoming, their lives were threatened 
by a party of eighty Delaware warriors, who came soon after their 
arrival. While Scarouady was consulting with the oldest chief in 
the evening, the rest cried out of doors: "Let us kill the rogue; 
we will hear of no mediator, much less of a master; hold your ton- 
gue, and be gone, or you shall live no longer. We will do what we 
please." Said Scarouady: "All the way from Wyoming to 
Diahogo, a day never passed without meeting some warriors, six, 
eight, or ten in a party ; and twenty under command at Cut Finger 
Pete, going after the eighty warriors which we saw at Wyoming. 
. . . All the way we met parties of Delawares going to join the 
eighty warriors there." 

Scarouady reported that, at Wyoming he and Montour found 
John Shikellamy, son of the great vice-gerent of the Six Nations, 
with the hostile Delawares. They took him aside, and upbraided 
him severely for his ingratitude to Pennsylvania, "which had ever 
been extremely kind to his father when alive." Then John 
Shikellamy explained that he was with the enemies of the Colony, 
because he could not help it, as they had threatened to kill him 
if he did not join them. 

Scarouady again appeared before the Provincial Council on 
April 3d and gave additional details of his journey. Said he: 
"You desired us in your instructions to inquire the particular rea- 
sons assigned by the Delawares and Shawnees for their acting in 
the manner they do against this Province. I have done it and all 
I could get from the Indians is that they heard them say their 
brethren, the English, had accused them very falsely of joining 
with the French after Colonel Washington's defeat, and if they 


would charge them when they were innocent, they could do no 
more if they were guilty; this turned them against their brethren 
and now indeed the English have good reason for any charge they 
may make against them, for they are heartily their enemies." 

As to the attitude of the Six Nations, Scarouady reported: 
"The Six Nations in their reply expressed great resentment of 
the Delawares; they threatened to shake them by the head, saying 
they were drunk and out of their senses and would not consider 
the consequences of their ill behavior and assured them that, if 
they did not perform what they had promised they should be 
severely chastized." At this meeting of the Provincial Council 
and at others held early in April, Scarouady expressed himself as 
favoring a declaration of war by Pennsylvania against the Dela- 
wares, and ventured the opinion that the Six Nations would 
approve of such action. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 64 to 72.) 

Pennsylvania Declares War Against Delawares and 
Shawnees, and Offers Rewards for Scalps 

Not only Scarouady, but many other prominent men, including 
James Hamilton, strongly urged that Pennsylvania should de- 
clare war against the Delawares and Shawnees, and offer bounties 
for their scalps. As a result of the foregoing conferences with 
Scarouady, Governor Morris, on April 8th, 1756, delivered an 
address to this great sachem and Andrew Montour, which had 
been approved by the Provincial Council, in which he said: 

"I therefore, by this Belt, declare War against the Delawares 
and all such as act in conjunction with them. I offer you the 
Hatchet, and expect your hearty Concurrence with us in this 
just and Necessary War. I not only invite you, but desire you 
will send this Belt to all your Friends everywhere, as well on the 
Susquehannah, as to the Six Nations and to their Allies, and 
engage them to join us heartily against these false and perfidous 
Enemies. I promise you and them Protection and Assistance, 
when you shall stand in need of it against your Enemies. 

"For the Encouragement of you, and all who will join you in 
the Destruction of our Enemies, I propose to give the following 
Bounties or Rewards, Vist: for every Male Indian Prisoner 
above Twelve Years Old that shall be delivered at any of the 
Government's Forts, or Towns, One Hundred and Fifty Dollars. 

"For every Female Prisoner, or Male Prisoner of Twelve years 
old, one hundred and thirty Dollars. 


"For the Scalp of every male Indian of above Twelve Years 
old, one hundred and thirty dollars. 

"For the scalp of every Indian Woman, Fifty Dollars. 

"To our own People, I shall observe our own forms; to you I 
give the Hatchet according to yours. 

"Agreeable to your repeated Request, I am now going to Build 
a Fort at Shamokin. Forces are raising for that Purpose, and 
everything will soon be in Readiness." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, 
pages 75 and 76.) 

Having used the Indian forms in declaring war, the Governor 
now made good his promise to Scarouady to "observe our own 
forms to our own people." The formal declaration of war and 
the bounty offered for prisoners and scalps was signed by the 
Commissioners, James Hamilton, Joseph Fox, Evan Morgan, 
John Mififlin and John Hughes. Then, against the protests of 
Samuel Powell and others, on behalf of the Quakers, the procla- 
mation of war against the Delawares and Shawnees, was "pub- 
lished at the Court House, on April 14th, in the presence of the 
Provincial Council, Supreme Judges, Magistrates, Officers and a 
large Concourse of People." The language of that part of the 
formal declaration, relating to the bounties ofTered for Indian 
scalps, is as follows: 

"For every male Indian enemy above twelve years old, who 
shall be taken prisoner and delivered at any fort, garrisoned by 
the troops in pay of this Province, or at any of the county towns 
to the keepers of the common jail there, the sum of 150 Spanish 
dollars or pieces of eight; for the scalp of every male enemy above 
the age of twelve years, produced to evidence of their being killed 
the sum of 130 pieces of eight; for every female Indian taken 
prisoner and brought in as aforesaid, and for every male Indian 
prisoner under the age of twelve years, taken and brought in as 
aforesaid, 130 pieces of eight; for the scalp of every Indian wo- 
man, produced as evidence of their being killed, the sum of fifty 
pieces of eight, and for every English subject that has been killed 
and carried from this Province into captivity that shall be recov- 
ered and brought in and delivered at the City of Philadelphia, to 
the Governor of this Province, the sum of 130 pieces of eight, but 
nothing for their scalps; and that there shall be paid to every 
officer or soldier as are or shall be in the pay of the Province who 
shall redeem and deliver any English subject carried into captivity 
as aforesaid, or shall take, bring in and produce any enemy pris- 
oner, or scalp as aforesaid, one-half of the said several and respec- 


tive premiums and bounties." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 
88 and 89.) 

The Scalp Act had the effect of causing hundreds of brave 
warriors of the Delawares and Shawnees who were up to that time 
undecided, to take up arms against the Colony. "A mighty 
shout arose which shook the very mountains, and all the Delawares 
and Shawnees, except a few old sachems, danced the war dance." 

James Logan, a prominent Quaker member of the Provincial 
Council, and former Secretary of the same, opposed the declara- 
tion of war, though he was a strict advocate of defensive warfare. 
Conrad Weiser was in favor of the declaration of war, but strongly 
opposed to offering rewards for sdalps. He said that the Colony 
might offer rewards for Indian prisoners, but that a bounty for 
scalps would certainly tend to aggravate existing affairs. He 
argued that anyone could bring in these scalps, and there was no 
means of distinguishing the scalps of friendly Indians. "Indeed," 
says Walton, "this was the core of the whole difficulty. Scalps of 
friendly Indians were taken, and the peace negotiations with the 
Eastern Indians frustrated." 

Sir William Johnson was displeased with Pennsylvania's 
declaration of war and offering of bounties for scalps, at a time 
when a great council was about to be held at Onondaga. The 
opposition of the Quakers to these measures was due largely to 
the fact that they believed the Delawares had been unjustly 
treated by the Province, after the Six Nations came into such 
prominence in Pennsylvania's relations with the Indians. The 
Quakers called attention to the fraudulent "Walking Purchase," 
by which the Delawares had been compelled by the Iroquois to 
surrender possession of their ancestral possessions, and to the 
Purchase of July, 1754, by which the Iroquois sold the land of 
the Delawares and Shawnees "from under their feet." The land 
sales drove the Delawares from one place to another. Wherever 
they went, the land on which they erected their wigwams was 
sold by their Iroquois conquerors without their being consulted 
or having any say whatever in the matter. Therefore, it is no 
wonder that the Quakers sympathized with the Delawares, the 
affectionate friends of the greatest of the Quakers, William Penn, 
the Founder of the Province. 

Great Britain did not declare war against France until May 
17th, 1756, an act which was not known in Pennsylvania until 
about two months later. The declaration was published at 
Easton, July 30th, and a little later in Philadelphia. 


Atrocities in the Summer and 
Autumn of 1756 

THE erection of frontier forts, the organization of military 
companies, and the scalp bounties did not prevent the Dela- 
wares and Shawnees from making bloody raids into the settle- 
ments. Crossing the mountains through the various gaps, 
the Indians fell upon the settlements along the Conococheague, 
in Franklin County, along Tuscarora Creek, in Juniata County, 
also upon various settlements in the counties of Perry, Dauphin, 
Cumberland, Lebanon, Schuylkill, Carbon, Berks, Lehigh, North- 
ampton and Monroe. 

The failure of the "Scalp Act" to bring the desired results is 
seen in a letter sent to Governor Morris, on June 14th, 1756, by 
the Commissioners, Benjamin Franklin, John Mifflin, Joseph Fox, 
Evan Morgan and John Hughes, in which they say that they are 
disappointed in the number of persons volunteering to "go out 
on the Scalping." They then add: 

"We think, however, that the Indians ought to be persued and 
Hunted ; and as the back Inhabitants begin now to request Guards 
to protect them in getting in their Harvest, we submit it to the 
Governor's Consideration whether the best means of affording 
them the Protection will not be to order out parties from the Forts 
to range on the West side of Susquehannah, quite to the Ohio 
and the Neighbourhood of Fort Duquesne, to Annoy the Enemy, 
take Prisoners, and obtain Intelligence, which may be of great 
use," etc. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, page 153.) 

The harvest of the summer of 1756 was, according to Joseph 
Armstrong and Adam Hoops, the most bountiful in the "Memory 
of Man." Yet, on account of the tomahawk, rifle, scalping knife 
and torch of the Delawares and Shawnees, the settlers fled from 
their farms, leaving their abundant crops of grain and corn stand- 
ing in the fields. Every time an attempt was made to harvest the 


crops, it was necessary to guard the farmers by Provincial troops. 
Even then, many troops and farmers were killed and captured 
by the lurking foe. 

In June, 1756, a Mr. Dean, who lived about a mile east of 
Shippensburg, Cumberland County, was found murdered in his 
cabin, his skull having been cleft with a tomahawk; and it was 
supposed that the deed was committed by some Indians who had 
been seen in the neighborhood the day before. On the 6th of this 
month, a short distance from where Burd's Run crosses the road 
leading from Shippensburg to Middle Spring Church, a band of 
Indians killed John McKean and John Agnew, and captured 
Hugh Black, William Carson, Andrew Brown, James Ellis and 
Alex McBride. A party of settlers from Shippensburg pursued 
the Indians through McAllister's Gap into Path Valley. On the 
morning of the third day of the pursuit, they met all the prisoners 
except James Ellis, on their way home, after having made their 
escape. Ellis was never heard from again. The pursuers returned 
with the men who had escaped. A few days before the murder of 
Mr. Dean, John Wasson was murdered and his body frightfully 
mangled, in Peters Township, Franklin County. 

On June 8th, a band of Indians crept up on Felix Wuench as 
he was ploughing on his farm near Swatara Gap, and shot him 
through the breast. The poor man cried lamentably and started 
to run, defending himself with a whip; but the Indians overtook 
him, tomahawked and scalped him. His wife, hearing his cries 
and the report of the guns, ran out of the house, but was captured 
with one of her own and two of her sister's children. A servant 
boy who saw this atrocity ran to a neighbor named George Miess, 
who, though he had a crippled leg, ran directly after the Indians 
and made such a noise as to scare them off. 

On June 24th, Indians attacked the home of Lawrence Dieppel, 
in Bethel Township, Berks County, carrying off two of the chil- 
dren, one of whom they later killed and scalped. (Penna. Gazette, 
June 17th, 1756; Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, page 164.) 

On June 26, in the same neighborhood in which the above 
atrocities were committed, a band of Indians surprised and 
scalped Franz Albert and Jacob Handschue, also two boys, 
Frederick Weiser and John George Miess, who were plowing in 
the field of a settler named Fischer. (See "Frontier Forts," Vol. 
I, page 65.) 


Burning of Bingham's Fort 

On June 11th or 12th, 1756, Bingham's Fort, the stockaded 
home of Samuel Bingham, or Bigham, in Tuscarora Township, 
Juniata County, was attacked and burned by a band of Indians 
led by the Delaware chief. King Beaver. All the occupants of 
the fort were either killed or captured. On the day of the attack, 
John Gray and Francis Innis were returning from Carlisle, where 
they had gone for salt. As they were descending the Tuscarora 
Mountain, in a narrow defile, Gray's horse taking fright at a bear 
which crossed the road, became unmanageable and threw him off. 
Innis, anxious to see his wife and family, went on, but Gray was 
detained for nearly two hours in catching his horse and righting 
his pack. In the meantime, Innis pressed on rapidly toward the 
fort. What happened to him, we shall presently see. John 
Gray's detention saved him from death or capture. He arrived 
at the fort just in time to see the last of its timbers consumed. 
With a heart full of anguish, he examined the charred remains of 
the bodies inside the fort, in an efifort to ascertain whether any 
were those of his family. It subsequently was found that his 
wife, Hannah, and his only daughter, Jane, three years of age, 
were among the captured. 

The Pennsylvania Gaze//e, June 24th, 1756, gave the following 
list of persons killed and captured on this occasion : 

"The following is a list of persons killed and missing at Bing- 
ham's Fort, namely: George Woods, Nathaniel Bingham, Robert 
Taylor, his wife and two children, Francis Innis, his wife and three 
children, John McDonnell, Hannah Gray and one child, missing. 
Some of these are supposed to be burnt in the fort, as a number of 
bones were found there. Susan Giles was found dead and scalped 
in the neighborhood of the fort. Robert Cochran and Thomas 
McKinney found dead and scalped. Alexander McAllister and 
his wife, James Adams, Jane Cochran and two children missed. 
McAllister's house was burned and a number of cattle and horses 
driven off. The enemy was supposed to be numerous, as they did 
eat and carry off a great deal of beef they had killed." 

All the prisoners taken at Bingham's Fort were marched to 
Kittanning and from there to Fort Duquesne, where they were 
parceled out and adopted by the Indians. George Woods, one of 
these prisoners, was given to an Indian named John Hutson, who 
removed him to his own wigwam. Woods later purchased his 
ransom, and returned to the settlements. He was a surveyor, 


and followed this vocation in the counties of Juniata, Bedford 
and Allegheny. When Pittsburgh was laid out, in 1784, he 
assisted in this work, and one of its principal streets. Wood Street, 
is named for him. 

Hannah Gray and her daughter, Jane, were carried to Canada. 
Later in the summer of 1756, her husband, John Gray, joined 
Colonel John Armstrong's expedition against Kittanning, in the 
hope of either recovering his wife and daughter or gaining some 
intelligence of their whereabouts. He returned disappointed, 
and a few years thereafter died. After about four years of cap- 
tivity, Mrs. Gray, by the assistance of some traders, made her 
escape, and reached her home in safety, but unhappily, was 
compelled to leave her daughter with the Indians. The little 
girl never returned. At the close of Pontiac's War, many children, 
captured by the Indians during this and the French and Indian 
War, were delivered up to Colonel Bouquet, and brought to 
Carlisle and Philadelphia to be recognized and claimed by their 
relatives and friends. Mrs. Gray, at Philadelphia, searched in 
vain among these returned captives for her daughter, and then 
took one of them, a girl of about her daughter's age. The taking 
of this child in the place of her own daughter brought on a famous 
law suit over the title of the farm her husband had devised to her 
and the daughter in case they returned from captivity. This law 
suit is known as "Frederick et al. versus Gray. It finally reached 
the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, and is reported in the Reports 
of this tribunal, in No. 10 Sergeant and Rawle, pages 182 to 188. 

Francis Innis and his wife were sold to the French and taken to 
Canada in December, 1756, after the wife had been severely in- 
jured in running the gauntlet. While the Indians were taking the 
family to Montreal, they put the youngest of the children, who 
was sickly, under the ice of one of the rivers. While in Montreal, 
another child, James, was born. Mr. and Mrs. Innis were re- 
leased by the French, and returned to their home. Their sur- 
viving children remained among the Indians until the autumn of 
1764, when they were delivered up to Colonel Bouquet, and soon 
returned to their parents. (Frontier Forts of Penna., Vol. 1, 
pages 586 to 591 ; Day's Historical Collections," pages 383 to 385.) 

Capture of John McCullough 

On July 26th the Indians entered the valley of the Conoco- 
cheague, in Franklin County, killing Joseph Martin, and taking 


captive two brothers, John and James McCullough. James Mc- 
Cullough, the father of these boys, had only a few years before 
removed from Delaware into what is now Montgomery Town- 
ship, Franklin County. At the time of this Indian incursion, the 
McCullough family were residing temporarily in a cabin three 
miles from their home, and the parents and their daughter, Mary, 
on the day of the capture, went home to pull flax. A neighbor, 
named John Allen, who had business at Fort Loudon, accom- 
panied them to their home, and promised to return that way in 
the evening, and accompany them back to their cabin. However, 
he did not keep his promise, and returned by a circuitous route. 
When he reached the McCullough cabin on his return, he told 
John and James to hide, that Indians were near and that he sup- 
posed they had killed Mr. and Mrs. McCullough, John was but 
eight years old, and James but five at the time. They alarmed 
their neighbors, but none would volunteer to go to the Mc- 
Cullough home to warn Mr. and Mrs. McCullough, being too 
much interested in making preparations to hurry to the fort a 
mile distant for safety. 

Then the boys determined to warn their parents themselves. 
Leaving their little sister, Elizabeth, aged two, asleep in bed, they 
proceeded to a point where they could see the McCullough home, 
and began to shout. When they had reached a point about sixty 
yards from the house, five Indians and a Frenchman, who had 
been secreted in the thicket, rushed upon them and took them 
captive. The parents were not captured, inasmuch as the father, 
hearing the boys shout, had left his work and thus the Indians 
missed him, and they failed to notice the mother and Mary at 
work in the field. 

John and James were taken to Fort Duquesne. From this 
place James was carried to Canada, and all trace of him became 
lost. John was taken to Kittanning, Kuskuskies, Shenango, 
Mahoning and the Muskingum, was adopted by the Delawares, 
and remained among them for nine years until liberated by 
Colonel Bouquet in the autumn of 1764. At one time his father 
came to Venango (Franklin) to recover him, and at another time 
to Mahoning, for the same purpose, but the boy had been so long 
among the Indians that he preferred the Indian life to returning 
with his father, and succeeded in eluding him. After his liberation 
by Colonel Bouquet, he returned to the community from which 
he had been taken nine years before, and lived there nearly sixty 
years. He wrote a most interesting account of his captivity, 


which sheds much Hght on the manners and customs of the Dela- 
wares at that time. 

Other Outrages In Perry, Franklin and 
and Cumberland Counties 

During the same month (July), Hugh Robinson was captured 
and his mother killed at Robinson's Fort, in Perry County. Hugh, 
after being carried to the western part of the state, made his es- 
cape. Also, during this same month a number of Indians ap- 
peared near Fort Robinson, killed the daughter of Robert Miller, 
the wife of James Wilson, and a Mrs. Gibson, and captured Hugh 
Gibson and Betty Henry. 

Robert Robinson, in his Narrative, says that nearly all the 
occupants of the fort were out in the harvest fields reaping their 
grain, when the Indians waylaid the place. The reapers, forty 
in number, returned to the fort, and the Indians then fled. While 
one of the Indians was scalping the wife of James Wilson, Robert 
Robinson shot and wounded him. The captives were taken to 

Hugh Gibson was 14 years old at the time of his capture. He 
was adopted by an Indian, named Busqueetam, who was lame 
from a knife wound, received when skinning a deer. Gibson had 
to build a lodge for the Indian. At one time the lodge fell down 
on the Indian and injured him. He then called for his knife and 
ordered Gibson and some Indians to carry him into another hut. 
While they were carrying the Indian, Gibson saw him hunt for 
the knife and Gibson's Indian mother concealed it. When they 
put the Indian to bed, the Indian mother ordered Gibson to con- 
ceal himself, and he afterwards heard the Indian reprove his wife 
for hiding the knife. The old Indian soon forgot his anger and 
treated Gibson well thereafter. 

Sometime later all the prisoners were collected to see the torture 
of a woman prisoner. She had fled to the white men at the time 
Colonel Armstrong burned Kittanning. They stripped her naked, 
bound her to a post and applied hot irons to her, while the skin 
stuck to the irons at every touch. Thus was she tortured to 

Also, in July, 1756, a band of Indians attacked the plantation 
of Robert Baskins, who lived near Baskinsville railroad station. 
They murdered Mr. Baskins, burned his house, and captured his 
wife and children. Part of the same band captured Hugh Carroll 


and his family. The Indians, committing these outrages, were 
Delawares, who had come down the Juniata into Perry County 
after having appeared near Fort Granville, July 22nd, and 
challenged the garrison to fight — a challenge which was declined 
on account of the weakness of the garrison. 

About the same time, according to Egle's "History of Penn- 
sylvania," a band of Indians murdered a family of seven persons, 
on Sherman's Creek, Perry County, and then passed over the 
Kittatinny or Blue Mountains at Sterrett's Gap, wounding a man 
and capturing a Mrs. Boyle, her two sons and a daughter, living 
on Conodoguinet Creek, Cumberland County. These are 
probably the same atrocities mentioned by Colonel John Arm- 
strong in a letter written from Carlisle to Governor Morris, on 
July 23d, 1756, and recorded in Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, page 719, 
in which he says: 

"Being just got home, I am unable to furnish your Honor with 
the Occurrences of these two days past, in which time the Indians 
have begun to take advantage of the Harvest Season. Seven 
people on this side of the Kittatinney Hills being Kill'd and miss- 
ing within this county, and two on the South Side of the Tem- 
porary line." 

About this time, occurred the Williamson and Nicholson trag- 
edies in Mifflin Township, Cumberland County, though neither 
the date nor the details of the same can be definitely set forth. 
It seems that eight or nine members of the Williamson family, all 
except Mrs. Williamson and her babe, were victims of the toma- 
hawk, rifle and scalping knife of the Indians. Mr. Nicholson was 
shot at the door of his cabin, but his wife and brother within, suc- 
ceeded in keeping the Indians at bay until morning, when they 
left the neighborhood. Tradition says that the mother and 
brother each mounted a horse, the former carrying two children 
and the latter his slain brother, and rode to Shippensburg, where 
they buried the murdered man. (See "History of Cumberland 
and Adams Counties," Werner, Beers and Co., Chicago, 1886, 
pages 308, 309.) 

Probably during the summer of 1756, though Loudon gives the 
date as April 2nd, 1757, William McKinney, who had sought 
shelter with his family at Fort Chambers, where Chambersburg, 
Franklin County, now stands, ventured out of the fort, accom- 
panied by his son, for the purpose of visiting his dwelling and 
plantation. They were surprised by the Indians, and both were 


killed and scalped. Their bodies were brought to the fort and 
buried. (Frontier Forts of Penna., Vol. 1, page 532.) 

Egle, in his "History of Pennsylvania," mentions another 
tragedy which, he says happened in Franklin County, in the 
summer of 1756, as follows: 

"William Mitchell, an inhabitant of Conococheague, had col- 
lected a number of reapers to cut down his grain; having gone 
out to the field, the reapers all laid down their guns at the fence, 
and set in to reap. The Indians suffered them to reap on for 
some time, till they got out in the open field. They secured their 
guns, killed and captured every one." 

James Young's letter, written at Carlisle on July 22nd, 1756, 
and recorded in Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, pages 716 and 717, describes 
other atrocities, committed in Franklin and Cumberland counties 
during the terrible summer of which we are writing: 

"On the 20th Inst., in the morning, a party of Indians Surpriz'd 
two of Captain Steel's [Rev. John Steel] men on this side McDow- 
ell's mill; they killed and scalped one; the other they carried off; 
the Reapers made their escape; also, one of the soldiers from Mc- 
Dowell's Mill that went with two Women to the Spring for some 
water is missing; the women got off safe to the fort, and almost 
at the same time, a man and a women were scalped a few miles 
on the other side of the mill. And yesterday morning, Eight 
Indians came to the house of Jacob Peeble, near the great Spring 
and McCluker's Gap, about ten miles from this place, on this 
side the mountain; they killed an Old Woman and carried off 
two children, and an old man is missing; they pursued a boy who 
was on horse back a long way, but he escaped ; there were some 
people Reaping at a small distance from the house, but knew 
nothing of what was doing at home, for the Indians did not fire 
a Gun ... A party went from this town to bury the dead, and 
are returned again; they inform me that the Country People are 
all leaving their houses to come down, as there is great reason to 
fear many more Indians will soon be among them." 

On August 28th, according to Loudon, Betty Ramsey, her son 
and cropper were killed, and her daughter was taken captive, 
probably in Franklin County. This same authority relates that 
on one occasion, probably in 1756, a band of Indians came into 
the valley of the Conococheague, and killed and scalped many 
persons, whereupon a large party of settlers pursued them, over- 
taking them on Sideling Hill, and compelling them to flee leaving 
their guns behind. 


At the time of these murders, incursions were being made into 
that part of Maryland lying south of Franklin County, Pennsyl- 
vania. On August 27th, occurred the terrible massacre on Salis- 
bury plain, near the mouth of the Conococheague, in which 
thirty-nine persons were killed. An attack was made on a 
funeral party, in which fifteen were killed and many wounded. 
The same day six men went from Israel Baker's on a scout. Of 
these, four were killed, one was captured, and another, though 
wounded, escaped. The same day, also, some soldiers going from 
Shirley's Fort, were killed and captured. On the following day 
Captain Emmett and a party of scouts were attacked while cross- 
ing the South Mountain. Three of them were killed and two 

Massacre Near McDowell's Mill 

Early in November, 1756, the beautiful valley of the Conoco- 
cheague, in Franklin County, was again devastated and many of 
its inhabitants were killed by the hostile Indians. Robert 
Callender, writing from Carlisle, on November 4th, thus in- 
formed Governor Denny of these atrocities: 

"This Day I received Advice from Fort McDowell that, on 
Monday or Tuesday last, one Samuel Perry, and his two Sons 
went from the Fort to their Plantation, and not returning at the 
Time they proposed, the Commanding Ofificer there sent a Cor- 
poral and fourteen Men to know the Cause of their Stay, who not 
finding them at the Plantation, they marched back towards the 
Fort, and on their Return found the said Perry killed and scalped, 
and covered over with Leaves; immediately after a Party of 
Indians, in Number about thirty, appeared and attacked the 
Soldiers, who returned the Fire, and fought for Sometime until 
four of our People fell ; the rest then made off, and six of them got 
into the fort, but what became of the rest is not yet known; there 
are also two families cut off, but cannot tell the Number of 
People. It is likewise reported that the Enemy in their Retreat 
burnt a Quantity of Grain and sundry Houses in the Coves." 
(Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, page 29.) 

Four days later. Colonel John Armstrong wrote Governor 
Denny, from Carlisle, giving the list of the killed and missing in 
this bloody raid, as follows: 

"Soldiers Kill'd — James and William McDonald, Bartholomew 
McCafferty, Anthony McQuoid. 


"Of the Inhabitants Kill'd— John Culbertson, Samuel Perry, 
Hugh Kerrel, John Woods, with his Wife and Mother-in-law, 
Elizabeth Archer, Wife to J no. Archer. 

"Soldiers Missing — James McCorkem, William Cornwall. 

"Of the Inhabitants Missing — Four Children belonging to 
John Archer, Samuel Neely, a Boy, James McQuoid, a Child." 
(Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, pages 40 and 41.) 

Attack on the Boyer Family 

Sometime during the summer of 1756, though authorities differ 
as to the exact date, occurred the attack on the Boyer family, 
who lived in the vicinity of Fort Lehigh, at Lehigh Gap. The 
"Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania" thus describes this event: 

"His [Boyer's] place was about IJ^ miles east of the Fort, on 
land now owned by Josiah Arner, James Ziegenfuss and George 
Kunkle. With the other farmers he had gathered his family into 
the blockhouse for protection. One day, however, with his son 
Frederick, then thirteen years old, and the other children, he 
went home to attend to the crops. Mr. Boyer was ploughing and 
Fred was hoeing, whilst the rest of the children were in the house 
or playing near by. Without any warning they were surprised 
by the appearance of Indians. Mr. Boyer, seeing them, called to 
Fred to run, and himself endeavored to reach the house. Finding 
he could not do so, he ran towards the creek, and was shot through 
the head as he reached the farther side. Fred, who had escaped to 
the wheat field, was captured and brought back. The Indians, 
having scalped the father in his presence, took the horses from the 
plough, his sisters and himself, and started for Stone Hill, in the 
rear of the house. There they were joined by another party of 
Indians and marched northward to Canada. On the march the 
sisters were separated from their brother and never afterwards 
heard from. Frederick was a prisoner with the French and In- 
dians in Canada for five years, and was then sent to Philadelphia. 
Of Mrs. Boyer, who remained in the blockhouse, nothing further 
is known. After reaching Philadelphia, Frederick made his way 
to Lehigh Gap, and took possession of the farm. Shortly after he 
married a daughter of Conrad Mehrkem, with whom he had four 
sons and four daughters. He died October 31, 1832, aged 89 


Murder at the Bloody Spring 

During July, Samuel Miles and Lieutenant Atlee were am- 
bushed by three Indians near a spring about half a mile from Fort 
Augusta, at Sunbury. A soldier who had come to the spring for a 
drink, was killed. Miles and Atlee made their escape. A rescuing 
party came out from the fort, and found the soldier scalped, with 
his blood trickling into the spring, giving its waters a crimson 
hue. The spring was ever afterwards called the Bloody Spring. 
(Frontier Forts of Penna., Vol. 1, page 362.) 

Captain Jacobs Captures Fort Granville 

On August 1st, 1756, the Delaware chief. Captain Jacobs, at the 
head of a band of his tribe from Kittanning, accompanied by 
some French soldiers, captured and burned Fort Granville, on 
the Juniata, near Lewistown, Mifflin County. We quote the fol- 
lowing account of this event from the "Frontier Forts of Penn- 

"The attack upon Fort Granville was made in harvest time of 
the year 1756. The Fort at this time was commanded by Lieut. 
Armstrong, a brother of Colonel Armstrong, who destroyed Kit- 
tanning. The Indians, who had been lurking about this fort for 
some time, and knowing that Armstrong's men were few in num- 
ber, sixty of them appeared, July 22nd, before the fort, and chal- 
lenged the garrison to a fight; but this was declined by the com- 
mander in consequence of the weakness of his force. The Indians 
fired at and wounded one man, who had been a short way from it, 
yet he got in safe; after which they divided themselves into small 
parties, one of which attacked the plantation of one Baskins, near 
the Juniata, whom they murdered, burnt his house and carried off 
his wife and children. Another made Hugh Carroll and his 
family prisoners. 

"On the 30th of July, 1756, Capt. Edward Ward, the com- 
mandant of Granville, marched from the fort with a detachment 
of men from the garrison, destined for Tuscarora Valley, where 
they were needed as guard to the settlers while they were engaged 
in harvesting their grain. The party under Capt. Ward embraced 
the greater part of the defenders of the fort, under command of 
Lieut. Edward Armstrong. Soon after the departure of Capt. 
Ward's detachment, the fort was surrounded by the hostile force 
of French and Indians, who immediately made an attack, which 


they continued in their skulking, Indian manner through the 
afternoon and following night, but without being able to inflict 
much damage on the whites. Finally, after many hours had been 
spent in their unsuccessful attacks, the Indians availed themselves 
of the protection afforded by a deep ravine, up which they passed 
from the river bank to within twelve or fifteen yards of the fort, 
and from that secure position, succeeded in setting fire to the logs 
and burning out a large hole, through which they fired on the 
defenders, killing the commanding officer, Lieut. Armstrong, and 
one private soldier and wounding three others. 

"They then demanded the surrender of the fort and garrison, 
promising to spare their lives if the demand was acceded to. 
Upon this, a man named John Turner, previously a resident in the 
Buffalo valley, opened the gates and the besiegers at once entered 
and took possession, capturing as prisoners twenty-two men, 
three women and a number of children. The fort was burned by 
the chief, Jacobs, by order of the French officer in command, and 
the savages then departed, driving before them their prisoners, 
heavily burdened with the plunder taken from the fort and the 
settlers' houses, which they had robbed and burned. On their 
arrival at the Indian rendezvous at Kittanning, all the prisoners 
were cruelly treated, and Turner, the man who had opened the 
gate at the fort to the savages, suffered the cruel death by burning 
at the stake, enduring the most horrible torment that could be 
inflicted upon him for a period of three hours, during which 
time red hot gun barrels were forced through parts of his body, 
his scalp torn from his head and burning splinters were stuck in 
his flesh, until at last an Indian boy was held up for the purpose 
who sunk a hatchet in the brain of the victim and so released him 
from this cruel torture." 

Colonel John Armstrong, brother of Lieutenant Edward Arm- 
strong who was killed at the destruction of Fort Granville, wrote 
Governor Morris, from Carlisle, on August 20th, giving additional 
details of this event. Lieutenant Armstrong behaved with great- 
est bravery to the last, "despising all the Terrors and Threats of 
the Enemy, whereby they Often urged him to Surrender. Tho' 
he had been near two Days without Water, but a little Ammuni- 
tion left, the Fort on Fire, and the Enemy situate within twelve 
or fourteen Yards of the Fort, he was as far from Yielding as 
when at first attacked. A French Man in our Service, fearful of 
being burned up, asked leave of the Lieutenant to treat with his 
Country Men in the French Language. The Lieutenant answered, 


'The First word of French you speak in this Engagement, I'll 
blow your brains out,' telling his Men to hold out bravely for 
the flame was falling and he would soon have it extinguished, but 
soon after received the fatal Ball. The French Officers refused 
the Soldiers the Liberty of interring his Corps, though it was to 
be done in an instant, where they raised the Clay to quench the 

The above information came to Colonel Armstrong from Peter 
Walker, one of the captives taken at Fort Granville and later 
escaping. Walker had been informed by an interpreter for the 
French, named McDowell, that the Indians "designed very soon 
to attack Fort Shirley with four hundred men," and that "Cap- 
tain Jacobs said he could take any Fort that would Catch Fire, 
and would make Peace with the English when they had learned 
him to make Gunpowder." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 231 to 

For many years, the friendly Shawnee chief, Kishacoquillas, 
lived at the mouth of the creek of this name, a few miles from 
Fort Granville. He died in the summer of 1754. He was a firm 
friend of Arthur Buchanan, who lived near Fort Granville. 
Some of the followers of Kishacoquillas are said to have warned 
Buchanan and his sons of the expected attack on the fort, en- 
abling them and their families to escape to Carlisle. 

The destruction of Fort Granville exposed the whole western 
frontier to Indian incursions. Settlers fled in terror from the 
Juniata Valley, Sherman's Valley, the Tuscarora Valley, and the 
valleys of the Conococheague and Conodoguinet. Rev. Thomas 
Barton, writing from Carlisle, on August 22nd, described the 
dismal situation on the frontier, as follows: 

"I came here this Morning, where all is Confusion. Such a 
Panick has seized the Hearts of the People in general, since the 
Reduction of Fort Granville, that this County is almost relin- 
quished, and Marsh Creek in York [Adams] County is become a 
Frontier." (Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, page 756.) 

Captain Jacobs 

Captain Jacobs, the destroyer of Fort Granville, was one of the 
Delaware chiefs who took up arms against Pennsylvania after 
Braddock's defeat. He had at one time resided near Lewistown, 
where he sold lands to Colonel Buchanan, who gave him the 
name of Captain Jacobs, because of his close resemblance to a 


burly German in Cumberland County. Later he resided at 
"Jacob's Cabin," not far from Mount Pleasant, Westmoreland 
County. His principal residence was the famous Indian town of 
Kittanning, Armstrong County, which, as we have seen in an 
earlier chapter, was the first town established by the Delawares 
on their migration into the Allegheny Valley with the consent of 
the Iroquois Confederation. From this town, he and that other 
noted chief, Shingas, led many an expedition against the frontier 
settlements. In our next chapter, we shall record the fate that 
befell Captain Jacobs at the hands of Colonel John Armstrong. 

Murders Near Brown's Fort and Fort Swatara 

On August 6th, 1756, a soldier named Jacob Ellis, of Brown's 
Fort, located several miles north of Grantville, Dauphin County, 
desired to cut some wheat on his farm, a few miles from the fort, 
and, accordingly, took with him a squad of ten soldiers as a guard. 
At about ten o'clock, a band of Indians crept up on the reapers, 
shot the corporal dead, and wounded another of the soldiers. 
After this attack, a soldier named Brown was missing, and the 
next morning his body was found near the harvest field. (Pa. 
Archives, Vol. 2, pages 738, 740.) 

On October 12th, 1756, a band of Shawnees entered the neigh- 
borhood near where the murders of August 6th were committed. 
Adam Read, writing from his stockaded residence, on Swatara 
Creek, in East Hanover Township, Lebanon County, thus de- 
scribes the murder of Noah Frederick, by this hostile band : 

"Last Tuesday, the 12th of this Instant, ten Indians came on 
Noah Frederick plowing in his Field, killed and Scalped him, and 
carried away three of his Children that was with him, the eldest 
but Nine Years old, plundered his House, and carried away 
every thing that suited their purpose, such as Cloaths, Bread, 
Butter, a Saddle and good Riffle Gun, it being but two short miles 
from Captain Smith's Fort [Fort Swatara, in Union Township, 
Lebanon County], at Swatawro Gap, and a little better than two 
from my House." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, page 303.) 

Noah Frederick's wife and small daughter were at the barn, 
where the mother was threshing the seed wheat, when the Indians 
made their appearance. They saw the murderers in time to make 
their escape. The captured children, one of whom was named 
Thomas, after a few days of captivity, were separated. They 
never met again. Thomas was carried to the Muskingum, where 


he grew up with the Indians and was given the name, Kee-saw- 
so-so. He was one of the prisoners deUvered up by the Shawnees 
at the close of Pontiac's War, most Hkely at Fort Pitt, on May 
9th, 1765. He then went to Philadelphia, where he learned the 
shoemaker trade. Several years later, he went to the neighbor- 
hood where he had been captured. Here he was so fortunate as 
to find his mother, who identified him by a certain scar on his 
neck. He left numerous descendants, among whom is C. W. 
Frederick, of Rochester, N. Y., who furnished the author with 
some of the material used in this paragraph. 

The above letter of Adam Read describes other atrocities in 
the same neighborhood in which Noah Frederick was killed : 

"Yesterday Morning, two miles from Smith's Fort, at Swataro, 
in Bethel Township, as Jacob Fornwall was going from the House 
of Jacob Meyler to his own, he was fired upon by two Indians 
and wounded, but escaped with his life, and a little after, in the 
said Township, as Frederick Henley and Peter Stample was 
carrying away their Goods in Waggons, was met by a parcel of 
Indians and all killed, five lying Dead in one place and one man 
at a little distance, but what more is done is not come to my Hand 
as yet, but that the Indians was continuing their Murders. The 
Frontiers is employed in nothing but carrying ofT their Effects, so 
that some Miles is now waist." 

Loudon, in his "Indian Narratives," mentions the following 
events, which he says took place in Dauphin County, probably in 
1756. He does not give the exact location of the first, but its 
scene was probably near Fort Manada, a stockade erected in the 
autumn of 1755, near the east bank of Manada Creek, in East 
Hanover Township, a few miles north-west of Grantville. Here 
is Loudon's account: 

"At another time they [the Indians] attacked a man in Dauphin 
County who was endeavoring to move off in a wagon with some 
others. Those in the wagon fled to a fort. The men in the fort 
came to see what was happening and met a woman running 
toward them crying. They then came to where the wagon stood 
and behind it found the owner, a German, tomahawked and 
scalped but still breathing. The next day twelve men were sent 
to inform the soldiers at the next fort about eight miles distance, 
but were fired upon from ambush and all but two were killed. 
These two were wounded but made their escape. 

"Mrs. Boggs in the same neighborhood while riding to a 
neighbors house was fired upon and her horse killed and she, with 


a young child, taken prisoner. The child was badly treated and 
after three days, they murdered it. 

"Four men living in one house, in Paxton, erected a stockade 
around it. A Captain and his company, being overtaken at 
night, stopped to pass the night. They went in but had neglected 
to fasten the gate. A party of Indians entered the gate and closed 
it, and then called upon those in the house to open the door. The 
Indians likely did not know that there were soldiers in the house. 
The Captain opened the door, keeping some of his men in reserve. 
When the Indians entered, they were fired upon and began to 
retreat. The soldiers in reserve then pursued them, and, since 
they had closed the gate of the stockade, they could not get out, 
and were slain to a man." 

Expedition Against Great Island and 
Other Indian Strongholds 

During the summer of 1756, Fort Augusta was built and 
garrisoned, at Sunbury. At this fort, on October 18th of this 
year, Colonel William Clapham, the commander, was informed 
by Ogagradarisha, a Six Nations scout, that, as the result of a 
treaty recently held by the commander of Fort Duquesne with 
the Chippewas, Tawas, Twightwees (Miamis), Notowas, Dela- 
wares and Shawnees, a large body of French and one thousand 
Indians "were getting ready for an Expedition against this place, 
and are determined to take your Fort" (Augusta). (Col. Rec, 
Vol. 7, pages 299 to 302.) Colonel Clapham immediately got 
ready for any attack that might be made on Fort Augusta. 
Scouting parties were sent out in an endeavor to locate the French 
and Indian forces. It seems that the invaders did march from 
Fort Duquesne, but, probably because they learned through their 
scouts that Fort Augusta and other frontier forts had received 
information as to their advance, their large force was divided into 
smaller bodies, which made incursions into the frontier settle- 

Colonel Clapham directed Captain John Hambright, of Lan- 
caster, to lead a company of thirty-eight men against the Indian 
towns of Chincklacamoose (Clearfield, Clearfield County), Great 
Island (Lock Haven, Clinton County) and other places on the 
West Branch of the Susquehanna. (Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, pages 
41 and 42). There is no doubt that Captain Hambright carried 
out his instructions, but, unhappily, no records giving the details 


of his expedition are to be found. In this connection, we state 
that Colonel Clapham was one of the most conspicuous figures on 
the frontier. In the early spring of 1763, he removed with his 
family to Sewickley Creek, where the town of West Newton, 
Westmoreland County, now stands. Here he and his entire 
family were cruelly murdered on the afternoon of May 28, 1763, by 
The Wolf, Kekuscung, and two other Indians, one of whom was 
called Butler. 

Massacres Near Forts Henry, Lebanon, 
Northkill and Everett 

On October 19, 1756, Conrad Weiser wrote Governor Denny 
that the Indians had again entered Berks County, killing and 
scalping two married women and a boy fourteen years old, 
wounding two children about four years of age, and capturing 
two more, near Fort Henry. One of the wounded children, he 
said, was scalped and likely to die, while the other had two cuts 
on her forehead, inflicted by an Indian when making an unsuc- 
cessful attempt to scalp her. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, page 302.) 

Captain Jacob Morgan, writing to Governor Denny from Fort 
Lebanon, on November 4th, 1756, describes the following 
murders which were committed by the Indians, near the fort on 
the preceding day: 

"Yesterday morning, at break of day, one of the neighbors 
discovered a fire at a distance from him. He went to the top of 
another mountain to take a better observation, and make a full 
discovery of the fire, and supposed it to be about seven miles off, 
at the house of John Finsher [Fincher]. He came and informed 
me of it. I immediately detached a party of ten men (we being 
but 22 men in the fort) to the place where they saw the fire at 
the said Finsher's house, it being nigh Schuylkill; and the men, 
anxious to see the enem_y if there, ran through the water and 
bushes to the fire, where, to their disappointment, they saw none 
of them, but the house, barn and other out-houses all in flames, 
together with a considerable quantity of corn. They saw a great 
many tracks, and followed them, and came to the house of Philip 
Culmore, thinking to send from thence to alarm the other in- 
habitants to be on their guard, but instead of that, found the said 
Culmore's wife and daughter and son-in-law all just killed and 
scalped. There is likewise missing out of the same house Martin 
Fell's wife and child about one year old and another boy about 


seven years of age. The said Martin Fell was killed. It was done 
just when the scouts came there, and they seeing the scouts, ran 
off. The scouts divided into two parties. One came to some 
other houses nigh at hand, and the other to the fort, it being 
within half a mile of the fort [Fort Lebanon], to inform me. I 
immediately went out with the scouts again, and left in the fort 
no more than six men, but could not make any discovery, but 
brought all the families to the fort, where now, I believe, we are 
upward of sixty women and children that are fled here for refuge. 
"And at twelve o'clock at night, I received an express from 
Lieutenant Humphreys, commander at Fort Northkill, who in- 
formed me that the same day, about eleven o'clock in the fore- 
noon, about half a mile from his fort, as he was returning from his 
scout, came upon a body of Indians to the number of twenty at 
the house of Nicholas Long, where they had killed two old men 
and taken another captive, and doubtless would have killed all 
the family, there being nine children in the house. The Lieu- 
tenant's party, though seven in number, fired upon the Indians, 
and thought they killed two . . . The Lieutenant had one man 
shot through the right arm and right side, but hopes not mortal, 
and he had four shots through his own clothes." (Pa. Archives, 
Vol. 3, pages 28, 30, 31 and 36.) 

James Read, Esq., writing Governor Denny from Reading, on 
November 7th, gives an account of the murders near Fort Leb- 
anon, stating that the sister and mother of Mrs. Martin Fell were 
scalped, the young woman not being dead when the scouts 
arrived, "but insensible, and stuck in the throat as butcher's 
kill a pig." The poor woman soon died. 

Fort Lebanon was not far from the town of Auburn, Schuylkill 
County; Fort Northkill was in upper Tulpehocken Township, 
Berks County, eleven miles from Fort Lebanon; and Fort Henry 
was near Millersburg, Berks County. 

Near Adam Harper's fortified residence, at a place now known 
as "Harper's Tavern" in East Hanover Township, Lebanon 
County, hostile Indians, in October, 1756, killed five or six settlers. 
They scalped a woman, a sister of Major Leidig, who neverthe- 
less lived for many years thereafter. One of the families murdered 
in this raid was that of Andrew Berryhill. On October 22nd, 
John Craig and his wife were killed, and a boy was captured. The 
next day a German settler was killed and scalped. 

Timothy Horsfield, writing Governor Denny from Bethlehem, 
on November 30th, 1756, which letter is reported in Pa. Archives, 


Vol. 3, page 77, says that, on the evening on November 28th, a 
band of Indians came to the home of a settler named Schlosser, 
most likely in Lynn Township, Lehigh County, killing a man 
named Stonebrook and capturing a child. At first two children 
were captured, but some of the men at the house fired upon the 
Indians, wounding one, whereupon one of the children, a girl, 
made her escape. 

At the same time he informed the Governor of the attempt by 
some settlers to kill one of the Christian (Moravian) Delawares, 
near Bethlehem. In the terror and excitement on the frontier, 
the settlers sometimes made no distinction between hostile In- 
dians and friendly Indians. 

Some events that took place in Lebanon County, probably in 
Union Township, during the French and Indian War, and likely 
in 1756, were the following: 

Philip Mauer was shot dead by Indians while reaping oats. 
A Mr. Noacre or Noecker was shot dead while plowing, Mathias 
Boeshore fled from Indians to the house of Martin Hess. Just 
as he got inside the house, he leveled his rifle at one of his pursuers, 
and was in the act of pulling the trigger, when a bullet from the 
rifle of one of the Indians struck that part of Boeshore's weapon, 
to which the flint was attached, and glancing, wounded him in the 
left side. On one occasion Indians entered the neighborhood in 
great numbers, when nearly all the settlers were in their houses. 
Peter Heydrich gave immediate notice to all the people to resort 
to a blockhouse in the neighborhood, probably that of Martin 
Hess. In the meantime, taking a fife and drum from the block- 
house, he went into the woods or thicket nearby. Now beating 
the drum, then blowing the fife, then again giving the word of 
command in a loud and distinct voice, as if to a large force, he 
managed to keep the Indians away, and collect his neighbors 
safely. (Frontier Forts of Penna., Vol. 1, pages 58 and 59.) 

The Prowess of Mrs. Zellers 

On page 63 of Vol. I, of the "Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania," 
is the following account of the attack on the fortified home of 
Heinrich Zellers, near Newmanstown, Lebanon County, some 
time during the French and Indian War, probably in 1756: 

"It is related of the original Mrs. Zellers that she superintended 
the construction of the house, whilst her husband was out on an 
expedition against the Indians, and that her laborers were colored 


slaves. It is said, also, of this same Christine Zellers that one 
day, whilst alone in the fort, she saw three prowling savages 
approaching and heading for the small hole in the cellar shown on 
the picture attached. She quickly descended the cellar steps 
and stationed herself at this window with an uplifted axe. Pres- 
ently the head of the first Indian protruded through the hole, 
when she quickly brought down the weapon with an effective 
blow. Dragging the body in, she disguised her voice and in 
Indian language, beckoned his companions to follow, which they 
did and were all dispatched in like manner." 

As stated formerly, in this history, hundreds of the atrocities 
of the French and Indian War, in Pennsylvania, will remain for- 
ever unrecorded. However, the present chapter, like several that 
have preceded it, gives one an idea of the horrors of the crimson 
tide that flowed down from the mountains into the Pennsylvania 
settlements during the first two years of this tragic period. 


Destruction of Kittanning 

September 8th, 1756 

As stated, in Chapter XII, the destruction of Fort Granville 
_/~\ left the frontiers of the counties of Juniata, Perry, Fulton, 
Franklin and Cumberland exposed to the bloody incursions of 
the Delawares and Shawnees of the valleys of the Ohio and 
Allegheny, especially the Delawares of Kittanning. In Chapter 
XII, also, as well as in chapters preceding it, we saw the horrors 
of the incursions which these Indians made into the counties 
above named — families murdered at midnight and their cabin 
homes burned to ashes; parents and children captured and, in 
many cases, separated forever; captives tortured to death at 
Kittanning and other Indian towns; relief parties burying the 
mutilated bodies of the dead amid the shades of the forest; the 
pale and tear-stained faces of women, with babes in their arms, 
and the anxious faces of men, fleeing in terror to the more thickly 
settled parts of the Province with the war-whoop of the Indian 
ringing in their ears. 

In the letter written by Colonel John Armstrong, at Carlisle, 
on August 20th, quoted in part, in Chapter XII, he calls attention 
to the unprotected state of the Cumberland and Franklin County 
frontier, as follows: 

"Lyttleton, Shippensburg, and Carlisle (the last two not 
finished), are the only Forts now built that will, in my Opinion, 
be Serviceable to the public. McDowell's or thereabouts is a 
necessary Post, but the present Fort not defencible. The Duties 
of the Harvest has not admitted me to finish Carlisle Fort with 
the Soldiers; it shou'd be done, and a Barrack erected within the 
Fort, otherwise the Soldiers cannot be so well governed, and may 
be absent or without the Gates at a time of the greatest necessity." 

On the very day Colonel Armstrong's letter was written. 
Governor Morris was superseded by Governor William Denny — 
a change of governors at a most critical time — but, before Gover- 
nor Denny's arrival, Governor Morris, in response to the cries 


for help from the frontier, especially from Cumberland County, 
had arranged with Colonel Armstrong for an expedition against 
the Indian town of Kittanning. Colonel Armstrong had urged 
Governor Morris to give him permission to make this expedition, 
and Benjamin Franklin had earnestly advocated this plan of 
attacking this Indian stronghold from which Shingas, Captain 
Jacobs and King Beaver liad led so many incursions into the 
Pennsylvania settlements. 

Colonel Armstrong's small army consisted of about three 
hundred men, Scotch-Irish from the Cumberland Valley, divided 
into seven companies whose captains were himself, Hance Hamil- 
ton, Dr. Hugh Mercer, Edward Ward, Joseph Armstrong, John 
Potter and Rev. John Steel. Armstrong marched from Fort 
Shirley (Shirleysburg, Huntingdon County), on August 30th, and 
arrived at the "Beaver Dams," near Hollidaysburg, on Septem- 
ber 3d, where his forces joined the advance party. Leaving this 
place on September 4th and following the Kittanning Indian 
Trail, his army arrived at a point within fifty miles of Kittanning 
two days later. From this point Armstrong sent out scouts to 
reconnoitre the famous Delaware town and get information as to 
the number of the Indians there. The day following, the scouts 
returned and reported that the road was clear of the enemy, but 
it appeared later that they had not been near enough the town to 
learn its exact situation or the best way to approach the same. 

Armstrong then continued his march. At about ten o'clock on 
the night of September 7th, one of his guides reported that he had 
discovered a fire by the road, a short distance ahead and within 
six miles of Kittanning, with three or four Indians seated around 
the fire. Deeming it not prudent to attack this party, Lieutenant 
Hogg and thirteen men were left to watch them, with orders to 
attack them at break of day. The main body then, making a 
circuit, stole silently through the night to the Allegheny, reaching 
it just before the setting of the moon, about three o'clock in the 
morning, and at a point about one hundred perches below the 
town. They learned the position of the town by the beating of a 
drum and the whooping of the warriors at a dance. 

Colonel Armstrong's Account of the Battle 

We shall now let Colonel Armstrong describe the battle, quot- 
ing from his report, written at Fort Littleton, on September 14th, 
1756, and sent to Governor Denny: 


"It then, after ascertaining the location of the town, became 
us to make the best use of the remaining Moon Light, but ere we 
were aware, an Indian whistled in a very singular manner, about 
thirty perches from our front in the foot of a Corn Field; upon 
which we immediately sat down, and after passing Silence to the 
rear, I asked one Baker, a Soldier, who was our best assistant, 
whether that was not a Signal to the Warriors of our Approach. 
He answered no, and said it was the manner of a Young Fellow's 
calling a Squaw after he had done his Dance, who accordingly 
kindled a Fire, cleaned his Gun and shot it off before he went to 
Sleep. All this time we were obliged to lie quiet and hush, till 
the Moon was fairly set. Immediately after, a Number of Fires 
appeared in different places in the Corn Field, by which Baker 
said the Indians lay, the night being warm, and that these fires 
would immediately be out, as they were designed to disperse the 

"By this time it was break of Day, and the Men, having 
marched thirty Miles, were most asleep; the line being long, the 
Companies of the Rear were not yet brought over the last 
precipice. For these, some proper Hands were immediately dis- 
patched, and the weary Soldiers, being roused to their Feet, a 
proper Number under sundry Officers were ordered to take the 
End of the Hill, at which we then lay, and march along the top 
of the said Hill at least one hundred perches, and so much further, 
it then being day light, as would carry them opposite the upper 
part or at least the body of the Town. For the lower part thereof 
and the Corn Field, presuming the Warriors were there, I kept 
rather the larger Number of the Men, promising to postpone the 
Attack in that part for eighteen or twenty Minutes, until the 
Detachment along the Hill should have time to advance to the 
place assigned them, in doing of which they were a little un- 
fortunate. The Time being elapsed, the Attack was begun in the 
Corn Field, and the Men, with all Expedition possible, dispatched 
thro' the several parts thereof; a party being also dispatched to 
the Houses, which were then discovered by the light of the Day. 
Captain Jacobs immediately gave the War-Whoop, and with 
sundry other Indians, as the English Prisoners afterwards told, 
cried the White Men were at last come, they would then have 
Scalps enough, but at the same time ordered their Squaws and 
Children to flee to the Woods. 

"Our Men with great Eagerness passed thro' and fired in the 
Corn Field, where they had several Returns from the Enemy, as 


they also had from the opposite side of the River. Presently after, 
a brisk fire began among the Houses, which, from the House of 
Captain Jacobs, was returned with a great deal of Resolution ; to 
which place I immediately repaired, and found that from the 
Advantage of the House and the Port Holes, sundry of our People 
were wounded, and some killed; and finding that returning the 
Fire upon the House was ineffectual, ordered the contiguous 
houses to be set on fire; which was performed by sundry of the 
Officers and Soldiers with a great deal of Activity, the Indians 
always firing whenever an object presented itself, and seldom 
missed of wounding or killing some of our People; From which 
House, in moving about to give the necessary orders and direc- 
tions, I received a wound from a large Musket Ball in the Shoul- 
der. Sundry persons during the action were ordered to tell the 
Indians to surrender themselves prisoners; but one of the Indians, 
in particular, answered and said he was a Man and would not be 
a Prisoner, upon which he was told in Indian he would be burnt. 
To this he answered he did not care for he would kill four or five 
before he died, and had we not desisted from exposing ourselves, 
they would have killed a great many more, they having a number 
of loaded Guns by them. 

"As the fire began to approach and the Smoak grew thick, one 
of the Indian Fellows, to show his manhood, began to sing. A 
Squaw, in the same House, and at the same time, was heard to 
cry and make Noise, but for so doing was severely rebuked by the 
Men; but by and by the Fire being too hot for them, two Indian 
Fellows and a Squaw sprung out and made for the Corn Field, 
who were immediately shot down by our People then surrounding 
the House. It was thought Captain Jacobs tumbled himself out 
at a Garret or Cock Loft Window, at which he was shot, our 
Prisoners offering to be qualified to the powder horn and pouch 
there taken off him, which, they say, he had lately got from a 
French Officer in exchange for Lieutenant Armstrong's Boots, 
which he carried from Fort Granville, where the Lieutenant was 
killed. The same Prisoners say they are perfectly assured of his 
Scalp, as no other Indians there wore their Hair in the same 
Manner. They also say they knew his Squaw's Scalp by a par- 
ticular bob; and also knew the Scalp of a young Indian called the 
King's Son. 

"Before this time, Captain Hugh Mercer, who early in the 
Action was wounded in the Arm, had been taken to the top of a 
Hill above the Town, to whom a number of Men and some of 


the Officers were gathered, from whence they had discovered 
some Indians cross the River and take the Hill with an intent, as 
they thought, to surround us and cut off our retreat, from whom 
I had sundry pressing Messages to leave the Houses and retreat 
to the Hill or we should all be cut off; but to this could by no 
means consent until all the Houses were set on fire. Tho' our 
spreading upon the Hills appeared very necessary, yet did it pre- 
vent our Researches of the Corn Field and River side, by which 
means sundry Scalps were left behind, and doubtless some Squaws 
Children and English Prisoners that otherwise might have been 
got. During the burning of the Houses, which were near thirty 
in number, we were agreeably entertained with a quick succes- 
sion of charged Guns gradually firing off as reached by the Fire, 
but much more so with the vast explosion of sundry Bags and 
large Cags of Gunpowder, wherewith almost every House 
abounded; the Prisoners afterwards informing that the Indians 
had frequently said they had a sufficient stock of ammunition for 
ten Years War with the English. 

"With the roof of Captain Jacobs' House, when the powder 
blew up, was thrown the Leg and Thigh of an Indian with a 
Child three or four years old, such a height that they appeared as 
nothing and fell in the adjacent Corn Field. There was also a 
great Quantity of Goods burnt, which the Indians had received 
in a present but ten days before, from the French. By this time 
I had proceeded to the Hill to have my wound tyed up and the 
Blood stopped, where the Prisoners, which in the Morning had 
come to our People, informed me that that very day two Battoas 
of French Men, with a large party of Delaware and French In- 
dians, were to join Captain Jacobs at the Kittanning, and to set 
out early the next Morning to take Fort Shirley, or as they called 
it, George Croghan's Fort, and that twenty-four Warriors who 
had lately come to the Town, were set out before them the Even- 
ing before, for what purpose they did not know, whether to pre- 
pare Meat, to spy the Fort, or to make an attack on some of our 
back inhabitants. Soon after, upon a little Reflection, we were 
convinced these Warriors were all at the Fire we had discovered 
the Night before, and began to doubt the fate of Lieutenant Hogg 
and his Party, from the Intelligence of the Prisoners. 

"Our Provisions being scaffolded some thirty miles back, except 
what were in the Men's Haversacks, which we left with the 
Horses and Blankets with Lieutanant Hogg and his Party, and 
a number of wounded People then on hand, by the advice of the 


Officers it was thought imprudent then to wait for the cutting 
down the Corn Field (which was before designed), but im- 
mediately to collect our Wounded and force our march back in 
the best manner we could, which we did by collecting a few In- 
dian horses to carry off our wounded. From the apprehension 
of being waylaid (especially by some of the Woodsmen), it was 
difficult to keep the men together, our march for sundry miles 
not exceeding two miles an hour, which apprehensions were 
heightened by the attempts of a few Indians who for some time 
after the march fired upon each wing and immediately ran off, 
from whom we received no other Damage but one of our men's 
being wounded thro' both Legs. Captain Mercer, being wounded, 
was induced, as we have reason to believe, by some of his Men, to 
leave the main Body with his ensign, John Scott, and ten or 
twelve men, they being heard to tell him they were in great 
Danger, and that they could take him into the Road a nigh Way, 
is probably lost, there being yet no Account of him; the most of 
the Men come in detachment was sent back to bring him in, but 
could not find him, and upon the return of the detachment, it 
was generally reported he was seen with the above number of 
Men taking a different Road. 

"Upon our return to the place where the Indian Fire had been 
discovered the Night before, we met with a Sergeant of Captain 
Mercer's Company and two or three other of his Men who had 
deserted us that Morning, immediately after the action at Kittan- 
ning. These men, on running away, had met with Lieutenant 
Hogg, who lay wounded in two different parts of his Body by the 
Road side. He there told them of the fatal mistake of the Pilot, 
who had assured us there were but three Indians, at the most, at 
this Fire place, but when he came to attack them that Morning 
according to orders, he found a number considerably superior to 
his, and believes they killed and mortally wounded three of them 
the first fire, after which a warm engagement began, and con- 
tinued for above an Hour, when three of his best men were 
killed and himself twice wounded; the residue fleeing off, he was 
obliged to squat in a thicket, where he might have laid securely 
until the main Body had come up, if this cowardly Sergeant and 
others that fled with him had not taken him away; they had 
marched but a short Space when four Indians appeared, upon 
which these deserters began to flee. The Lieutenant then, not- 
withstanding his wounds, as a brave Soldier, urging and com- 
manding them to stand and fight, which they all refused. The 


Indians pursued, killing one Man and wounding the Lieutenant a 
third time through the Belly, of which he died in a few Hours; 
but he, having some time before been put on Horse back, rode 
some miles from the place of action. But this last attack of the 
Indians upon Lieutanant Hogg and the deserters was, by the 
before mentioned Sergeant, represented to us in quite a different 
light, he telling us that there were a far larger number of the 
Indians there than appeared to them, and that he and the Men 
with him had fought five Rounds; that he had there seen the 
Lieutenant and sundry others killed and scalped, and had also 
discovered a number of Indians throwing themselves before us, 
and insinuated a great deal of such Stuff, as threw us into much 
Confusion, so that the Officers had a great deal to do to keep the 
Men together, but could not prevail with them to collect what 
Horses and other Baggage that the Indians had left after their 
Conquest of Lieutenant Hogg and the Party under his command 
in the Morning, except a few of the Horses, which some of the 
bravest of the Men were prevailed on to collect; so that, from the 
mistake of the Pilot, who spied the Indians at the Fire, and the 
cowardice of the said Sergeant and other Deserters, we have sus- 
tained a considerable loss of our Horses and Baggage. 

"It is impossible to ascertain the exact number of the Enemy 
killed in the Action, as some were destroyed by Fire and others 
in different parts of the Corn Field, but, upon a moderate Com- 
putation, it is generally believed there cannot be less than thirty 
or Forty killed and mortally wounded, as much Blood was found 
in sundry parts of the Corn Field, and Indians seen in several 
places crawl into the Weeds on their Hands and Feet, whom the 
Soldiers, in pursuit of others, then overlooked, expecting to find 
and scalp them afterwards; and also several killed and wounded 
in crossing the River. On beginning our March back, we had 
about a dozen of Scalps and eleven English Prisoners, but now 
find that four or five of the Scalps are missing, part of which 
were lost on the Road and part in possession of those Men who, 
with Captain Mercer, separated from the main Body, with whom 
also went four of the Prisoners, the other seven being now at this 
place [Fort Littleton], where we arrived on Sunday Night, not 
being ever separated or attacked thro' our whole March by the 
Enemy, tho' we expected it every Day. Upon the whole, had our 
Pilots understood the true situation of the town and the paths 
leading to it, so as to have posted us at a convenient place, where 
the disposition of the Men and the Duty assigned to them could 


have been performed with greater Advantage, we had, by divine 
Assistance, destroyed a much greater Number of the Enemy, 
recovered more Prisoners, and sustained less damage than what 
we at present have; but tho' the Advantage gained over these, 
our Common Enemy, is far from being satisfactory to us, must 
we not despise the smallest degrees of Success that God has 
pleased to give, especially at a time of such general Calamity, 
when the attempts of our Enemys have been so prevalent and 
successful." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 257 to 263.) 

Such is the account of the destruction of Kittanning, written 
by the leader of the heroic men who inflicted this telling blow 
upon the Indians. Hitherto the English had not attacked the 
Indians in their towns, which led the leaders of the bloody incur- 
sions to fancy that the settlers would not venture to follow them 
into their western strongholds. But now the Western Delawares 
dreaded that, when absent on incursions into the settlements, 
their wigwams might be burned to ashes by the outraged frontiers- 
men. From now on, they feared Colonel Armstrong and his 
Scotch-Irish troops. Most of the Indians, therefore, left Kit- 
tanning, refusing to settle east of Fort Duquesne, and determined 
to place this fort between them and the English. They went to 
Logstown, located on the north bank of the Ohio, just below the 
site of the present town of Ambridge, Beaver County; to Sau- 
conk, located at or near the mouth of the Beaver, and known also 
as Shingas' Old Town and King Beaver's Town ; to Kuskuskies, 
a group of villages whose centre was at or near the present city 
of New Castle; to Shenango, located on the river of this name, 
a short distance below the present town of Sharon, Mercer 
County, and to other towns in the western region. However, 
Kittanning was not deserted, though it ceased to be a gathering 
place for the hostile Delawares during the French and Indian 
War. As we saw in Chapter XII and as we shall see in subsequent 
chapters, the destruction of Kittanning did not put an end to 
the Indian raids. But it did have a great moral effect. It struck 
fear into the hearts of the Indians, and it caused the forntiersmen 
to have confidence in their ability to meet the Indians on their 
own ground and defeat them. 

"The corporation of Philadelphia, on occasion of this victory, 
on the 5th of January following, addressed a complimentary letter 
to Colonel Armstrong, thanking him and his ofhcers for their 
gallant conduct, and presented him with a piece of plate. A medal 
was also struck, having for device an officer followed by two sol- 


diers, the officer pointing to a soldier shooting from behind a tree, 
and an Indian prostrate before him; in the background Indian 
houses in flames. Legend: Kittanning, destroyed by Colonel 
Armstrong, September the 8th, 1756. Reverse device: The Arms 
of the corporation. Legend : The gift of the corporation of Phila- 
delphia." — Egle's "History of Pennsylvania." 

The report of the explosion of the magazine at Kittanning was 
heard at Fort Duquesne, upon which some French and Indians 
set off from that place to Captain Jacobs' stronghold, but did 
not reach the town until the next day. They found among the 
ruins the blackened bodies of the fallen chieftain, his wife and his 
son. Robert Robinson says in his Narrative that a boy named 
Crawford, then a captive among the Delawares, told him that he 
accompanied the French and Indians on this occasion. He also 
says that, after Armstrong's forces had returned to the east side 
of the Allegheny Mountains, one of his soldiers, named Samuel 
Chambers, disregarding the advice of the Colonel, went back to 
the "Clear Fields," in Clearfield Township, Cambria County, to 
get his coat and three horses; that, at the top of the mountain, 
he was fired upon by Indians, and then fled towards the Great 
Island; and that the Indians pursued him, and, on the third day, 
killed him on French Margaret's Island, as they later told Cap- 
tain Patterson. 

Many blankets of Armstrong's soldiers were afterwards found 
on the ground where Lieutenant Hogg and his party were de- 
feated. Hence this place has ever since been called "Blanket 
Hill." It is in Kittanning Township, Armstrong County. 

List of the Slain — The English Prisoners 

Colonel Armstrong's report of the destruction of Kittanning is 
also found in Pa. Archives, Vol. 2, pages 767 to 775, with a list of 
the killed, wounded and missing, as well as a list of the English 
prisoners recovered. This list is as follows: 

"Lieutenant-Colonel John Armstrong's Company — killed; 
Thomas Power and John McCormick. Wounded: Lieutenant- 
Colonel John Armstrong, James Carruthers, James Strickland 
and Thomas Foster. 

Captain Hance Hamilton's Company — Killed: John Kelley. 

Captain Hugh Mercer's Company — Killed : John Baker, John 
McCartney, Patrick Mullen, Cornelius McGinnis, Theophilus 
Thompson, Dennis Kilpatrick and Bryan Carrigan. Wounded: 

Marker at the Site of the Delaware Indian Town of Kittanning. near the bridge across the Allegheny 
River, at Kittanning, Pa. 

In the foreground Chief Strong Wolf, of the Ojibway Tribe, and Hon. James W. King, President 
of the Armstrong County Historical Society. 

From a photograph taken on the occasion of the dedication of the Marker, September 8th, 1926, 
the One Hundred and Seventieth Anniversary of the Destruction of Kittanning by Colonel John 


Richard Fitzgibbins. Missing: John Taylor, John — , Francis 
PhilHps, Robert Morrow, Thomas Burk and PhiUp Pendergrass. 

Captain Joseph Armstrong's Company — Killed: Lieutenant 
James Hogg, James Anderson, Holdcraft Stringer, Edward 
Obrians, James Higgins and John Lasson. Wounded: William 
Findley, Robert Robinson, John Ferrol, Thos. Camplin and 
Charles O'Neal. Missing: John Lewis, William Hunter, William 
Baker, George Appleby, Anthony Grissy and Thos. Swan. 

Captain Edward Ward's Company — Killed: William Welch. 
Wounded: Ephriam Bratten. Missing: Patrick Myers, Lawr- 
ence Donnahow and Samuel Chambers. 

Captain John Potter's Company — Wounded: Ensign James 
Potter and Andrew Douglass. 

Captain John Steel's Company — Missing: Terrence Canna- 

The English prisoners recovered from the Indians at the de- 
struction of Kittanning were: 

Ann McCord, wife of John McCord, and Martha Thorn, a 
child seven years of age, both captured at Fort McCord, on April 
1st, 1756; Barbara Hicks, captured at ConoUoways; Catherine 
Smith, a German child captured near Shamokin; Margaret Hood, 
captured near the mouth of the Conococheague, Maryland; 
Thomas Girty, captured at Fort Granville; Sarah Kelly, captured 
near Winchester, Virginia; a woman, a boy, and two little girls, 
who were with Captain Mercer and Ensign Scott, and had not 
reached Fort Littleton when Colonel Armstrong made his report. 

Barbara Leininger and Marie Le Roy, who, it will be recalled, 
were captured at the Penn's Creek massacre of October 16th, 
1755, were prisoners among the Indians at Kittanning at the time 
when Colonel Armstrong destroyed the town. However, they 
were on the other (west) side of the river at the time the attack 
began, and were then taken ten miles back into the interior, in 
order that they might not have a chance to escape. After Arm- 
strong's forces had withdrawn, Barbara and Marie were brought 
back to the ruins of the town. Here they witnessed the torture 
of a woman who had attempted to escape with Armstrong's 
troops, but was recaptured. An English renegade ate a piece of 
the woman's flesh. 

After describing the torture of the woman, Barbara and Marie, 
in their Narrative, relate the following: 

"Three days later an Englishman was brought in, who had like- 
wise attempted to escape with Col. Armstrong, and he was burned 


alive in the same village. His torments, however, continued only 
about three hours; but his screams were frightful to listen to. It 
rained that day very hard, so that the Indians could not keep 
up the fire. Hence they began to discharge gunpowder at his 
body. At last, amidst his worst pains, when the poor man called 
for a drink of water, they brought melted lead, and poured it 
down his throat. This draught at once helped him out of the 
hands of the barbarians, for he died on the instant." 

Relatives of Captain Jacobs, who were also killed at the de- 
struction of Kittanning, are mentioned in a letter written at 
Carlisle, on December 22nd, 1756, by Adam Stephen: "A son of 
Captain Jacobs is kill'd and a Cousin of his about seven foot high, 
call'd young Jacob, at the Destroying of the Kittanning." (Pa. 
Archives, Vol. 3, page 83.) Probably another relative was the 
Delaware Chief, called Captain Jacobs, who attended the con- 
ference held at Fort Pitt in April and May, 1768. (Pa. Col. 
Rec. Vol. 9, page 543.) 

A Retrospect 

The author was born and reared within ten miles of Kittanning. 
Often he has stood on the river hill above the site of the former 
Indian town, and contemplated its history. On these occasions, 
the past rose before him, as a dream. He could see the Dela- 
wares, in the course of their westward migration, as early as 1724, 
floating down the beautiful Allegheny, in their canoes, from the 
mouth of the Mahoning, and erecting their wigwams on the wide 
flats, naming the town "Kittanning," that is Kit, "great"; 
hanna, "a stream"; ing, "at, or at the place of" — "at the great 
river." He could see Jonas Davenport, James Le Tort and other 
traders, a few years later, visit the place and barter with the 
Indians, giving them rum, powder, lead, guns, knives and blankets 
in exchange for skins and furs. He could see French emisaries 
holding councils with the Indians here, as early as 1727, and for 
many years thereafter. He could see Celoron visit the town, in 
the summer of 1749. He could see the clouds of war gathering 
over the valley for many years, and finally breaking in a storm of 
fury, in the autumn of 1755. He could see Shingas, King Beaver 
and Captain Jacobs holding their councils of war here, far into 
the night, and inflaming the wild passions of the warriors as the 
council fire lit up their savage features, and as their shouts echoed 
from hill to hill. He could see bands of warriors go forth from the 
town on bloody incursions into the settlements of Pennsylvania, 


Mar\'land and Virginia, and return with sorrowing, sad-faced 
captives and the bloody scalps of the slain. He could see hun- 
dreds of these captives tortured to death — burned to death, tied 
to the black post in the village. He could see their bodies pierced 
with red-hot gun barrels and their bloody scalps torn from their 
heads. He could hear their agonizing cries and see the fiendish 
looks of their tormentors. He could see Colonel John Armstrong's 
forces wend their way silently over the forest-covered mountains, 
and, in the early hours of that September morning, visit retribu- 
tion and vengeance on Captain Jacobs and his warriors. He could 
see the village sink in flames, and hear the death chants of the 
warriors, as they perished in the fire. He could see the Indian 
women and children fleeing in terror to the forest, as their hus- 
bands, fathers and brothers were shot down or burned to death, 
by the frontiersmen, or dragged themselves into the forest to die 
of their wounds. He could see many of the survivors return, and 
erect their wigwams amid the ashes of their former homes. He 
could see hundreds of warriors assemble here, to march against 
Colonel Bouquet, in the summer of 1763. He could see the Eighth 
Pennsylvania Regiment assemble here in the latter days of 1776. 
He could see Fort Armstrong erected, a short distance below the 
village, in the summer of 1779, and Colonel Daniel Brodhead's 
army march past the place, in the same summer, on its way to 
attack the Senecas and Munsees. He could see the Indians once 
more assemble here, to march against Hannastown, in the summer 
of 1782. He could see the Indian finally depart from this ancient 
seat, and float in his canoe down the "Ohio" of the Senecas, the 
"La Belle Riviere" of the French and "The Beautiful River" of 
the English — terms that mean the same — to the "Land of the 
Lost Ones." He could see the pioneers, with their rifles and axes, 
entering the valley and erecting their cabin homes. He could 
see the Kittanning of the white man rise where the Kittanning of 
the Indian had stood for so many years, in the valley of the 
beautiful and historic Allegheny. As he stood on the river hill 
and gazed into the valley below, the past rose before him, as a 
dream, and these things passed before him, as a panorama. 

Captain Hugh Mercer 

As was seen earlier in this chapter, Captain Hugh Mercer was 
wounded in the engagement at Kittanning. Unhappily he was 
persuaded by some of his men to leave the main party. These 


men were old traders, and they proposed to conduct Captain 
Mercer by a nearer route to the settlements than the Kittanning 
Indian Trail, by which the army of Colonel Armstrong had come 
to the famous Indian town. Presently Mercer's party fell in 
with the Indians with whom Lieutenant Hogg had the engage- 
ment in the morning, and some of the Captain's companions were 
killed. Mercer made his escape with two others. In a short time, 
he and these two halted in order to adjust the bandage on his arm. 
At this moment an Indian was seen approaching, whereupon 
Mercer's two companions, sprang upon the horse from which he 
had just alighted, and hurried away, abandoning him. He hastily 
concealed himself behind a log overgrown with weeds. The 
Indian approached to within a few feet of where he lay, when, 
seeing the other two hurrying away on horseback, he uttered the 
war-whoop, and ran after them. 

The wounded captain soon crawled from his place of con- 
cealment, and descended into a plum-tree bottom, where he re- 
freshed himself with the fruit and remained until night. Then he 
began his terrible journey over the mountains to the settlements, 
a journey which consumed an entire month, and during which he 
became so ravenously hungry that he killed and ate a rattle-snake 
raw. Reaching the west side of the Allegheny Mountain, he 
discovered a person whom he supposed to be an Indian. Both 
took to trees, and remained in this position a long time. At 
length Captain Mercer concluded to go forward and meet his 
enemy; but when he came near, he found the other to be one of 
his own men. The two then proceeded on over the mountain, so 
weak that they could scarcely walk. Near Frankstown, the 
soldier sank down with the expectation never more to rise. Cap- 
tain Mercer then struggled about seven miles further, when he, 
too, lay down on the leaves, abandoning all hope of reaching the 
settlements. At this time, a band of Cherokees in the British 
service, coming from Fort Littleton on a scouting expedition, 
found the exhausted captain, and a little later, the soldier, and 
carried them safely to the fort on a bier of their own making. The 
Cherokees had taken fourteen scalps on this scouting expedition. 
We shall meet Captain Mercer several places in this history. 
He became one of Washington's able generals in the Revolu- 
tionary War, and laid down his life on the bloody battlefield of 
Princeton that liberty might live. Mercersburg and Mercer 
County are named for him. 


The Girtys 

As stated earlier in this chapter, Thomas Girty, who was 
captured at Fort Granville, was one of the English prisoners re- 
covered by Colonel Armstrong at the destruction of Kittanning. 
The family to which he belonged figured prominently in the 
Indian history of Pennsylvania, not as defenders of the Province 
but as allies of the hostile Indians. 

Reference was made, in a former chapter, to the fact that 
Simon Girty, Sr., an Irish trader, was one of the squatters whom 
the Provincial Authorities compelled to remove, in 1750, from 
lands not yet purchased from the Indians, north of the Blue or 
Kittatinny Mountains. He was an Indian trader, and had settled 
on Sherman's Creek, in Perry County, about 1740. Here his 
son, Simon, who figured notoriously in the annals of border life, 
was born, January 16th, 1744. After the elder Girty was com- 
pelled to remove from Sherman's Creek, he settled on the east 
side of the Susquehanna River, near where the town of Halifax 
now stands. Here he was killed in a drunken brawl, it is said, by 
his wife's paramour, John Turner. Here his widow married John 
Turner, and soon thereafter they removed to the Buffalo Valley, 
Union County. About 1755, the family, consisting of Mr. and 
Mrs. Turner, their infant son, John Turner, Jr., and the four sons 
of Simon Girty, Sr. — Simon, James, George and Thomas — re- 
moved to the vicinity of Fort Granville. The whole family was 
captured at the destruction of the fort, by Captain Jacobs. John 
Turner, it will be recalled, was the person who opened the gates 
of the fort to the enemy, and was later tortured to death at 
Kittanning, in the presence of his wife, his son, John Turner, Jr., 
and the four sons of Simon Girty, the elder, all the family having 
been taken to Kittanning by their captors.* 

Thomas Girty was the only member of the family liberated by 
Colonel John Armstrong, when his forces destroyed Kittanning. 
Mrs. Turner and her son, John, then a child less than three years 
of age, were taken to Fort Duquesne, where the child was baptized 
on August 18th, 1756, by the Reverend Baron, chaplain of the 
Roman Catholic chapel at the post. This John Turner was 
liberated by Colonel Bouquet in the autumn of 1764, and then 
joined his mother at Fort Pitt, to which place she seems to have 
made her escape. During the Revolutionary War, he fought on 
the American side, although his half-brothers, Simon, George and 

♦Theodore Roosevelt, in his "Winning of the West," erroneously says that Simon Girty, 
Sr., was tortured to death at Kittanning. 


James Girty, early espoused the British cause. He died in Pitts- 
burgh at an advanced age. 

Simon, the most notorious of the Girty brothers, was adopted 
by the Senecas, and given the name of Katepacomen. He soon 
became in dress, language and habits a thorough Indian, and 
lived among the Indians continuously until Colonel Henry Bou- 
quet led his army to the Muskingum in the autumn of 1764 and 
liberated over two hundred white captives. Among these was 
Simon Girty. Brought back to Fort Pitt, he took up his residence 
on a little run, emptying into the Allegheny from the west a few 
miles above Fort Pitt, and since known as Girty's Run. In Lord 
Dunmore's war of 1774, he, in company with Simon Kenton, 
served as a scout. He subsequently acted as an Indian agent, and 
became well acquainted with Colonel William Crawford, at whose 
cabin on the Youghiogheny, where Connellsville now stands, he 
was a frequent and welcome guest. On the outbreak of the Rev- 
olution, he was commissioned an officer of militia at Fort Pitt, 
but on March 28, 1778, deserted to the British, in company with 
Alexander McKee and Matthew Elliott. 

The atrocities committed by Simon Girty after he deserted to 
the British fill many pages of border annals. His name became a 
terror in the frontier cabin, causing the mother's cheek to blanch 
and the children to tremble with fear. He fully earned the name 
given him by Heckewelder — the "White Savage." His brutality 
reached its climax when he viewed with apparent satisfaction 
the burning of his former friend, Colonel William Crawford, at 
the stake, in the summer of 1782, as will be related in a subse- 
quent chapter. On one occassion he committed a hostile act 
against the Americans shortly after the Revolutionary War was 
proclaimed at an end. This was the capture of a lad, named 
John Burkhart, at the mouth of Nine Mile Run, near Pittsburgh, 
in May, 1783, by a war party of Indians led by him. The guns 
of Fort Pitt were firing at the very time of the boy's capture, on 
account of the reception of the news that Washington had dis- 
charged the American Army on April 19th, and announced that 
the long war was over. This fact was made known to Girty by 
the boy; yet he was carried to Detroit. However, he was well 
treated by Girty, and, in July, was permitted by Colonel De 
Peyster, then commandant at Detroit, to return to his friends. 

In the defeat of General St. Clair's army in the autumn of 
1791, as will be related in a subsequent chapter, the "White 
Savage" saw and knew General Richard Butler, who was writhing 

According to Butterfield: Simon Girty, Sr. was killed by an Indian named "The Fish", who 
was later killed by John Turner; Simon, Jr., bom in 1741, died, Feb. 18, 1818; James, bom in 
1743, died at Goshfield, Canada, Apr. IS, 1817; George, born in 1745, died near Ft. Wayne 
prior to 1812; Thomas, born in 1739, died in Pittsburgh, Nov. 3, 1820; Simon, Jr., James, 
George, Mrs. Turner and her son, John, delivered up at Fort Pitt, in 1759. 


in the agony of his wounds. Girty told an Indian warrior that 
General Butler was a high officer, whereupon the Indian buried 
his tomahawk in the unfortunate General's skull, scalped him, 
took his heart out, and divided it into as many pieces as there 
were tribes in the battle in which St. Clair went down to over- 
whelming and inglorious defeat. 

There is no doubt, however, that Simon Girty was blamed for 
many atrocities of v.hich he was innocent, especially atrocities 
committed by his brothers George and James. At times, too, 
when sober, he was moved by considerations of humanity, as 
when he saved his friend, Simon Kenton, from death at the hands 
of the Indians, and when he caused Mrs. Thomas Cunningham, of 
West Virginia, to be returned to her husband, after her son had 
been tomahawked and scalped and her little daughter's brains 
dashed out against a tree, in her presence. Such occasional 
gleamings of his better nature stand out in strong relief against a 
career of outrage, blood and death. 

After General Anthony Wayne defeated the western tribes at 
the battle of the Fallen Timbers in August, 1794, Simon Girty 
removed to Canada, where he settled on a small farm, near 
Maiden, on the Detroit River and became the recipient of a 
British pension. Here he resided, undisturbed and almost blind, 
until the War of 1812. After the capture of the British fleet on 
Lake Erie by Commodore Perry, in this war, Girty followed the 
British in retreat, and remained away from home until the treaty 
of peace was signed. Then he returned to his farm, where he 
died in 1815 — the passing of the most notorious renegade of the 
Pennsylvania, Kentucky and Ohio borders. Girty's Gap, or 
Girty's Notch, on the west side of the Susquehanna, a few miles 
below Liverpool, Perry County, is named for him. At this place 
the rocks of the precipitous river hill form almost a perfect Indian 
head, a wonderful likeness in stone of the primitive American 

George Girty was adopted by the Delawares. and became a 
terror to the Pennsylvania and Ohio frontiers. As will be seen in 
a subsequent chapter, he was among the Indian forces which 
ambushed Colonel Lochry's troops in the summer of 1781. 

James Girty was one of the messengers sent to the Shawnees, 
in the summer of 1778, in an effort to have this tribe join with 
the Delawares in an alliance with the Americans, at a treaty at 
Fort Pitt, in that year. He did not return from this mission, but 
deserted the Americans, was adopted by the Shawnees, and be- 
came an infamous and blood-thirsty raider of the Kentucky 


frontier, "not sparing even women and children from horrid 

Simon, George and James Girty were underHngs of Henry 
Hamilton, the British "Hair Buyer General," who was in com- 
mand at Detroit during a large part of the Revolutionary War, 
and had charge of operations against the western frontier. Hamil- 
ton was so named by the Americans on account of his giving his 
Indian allies rewards for American scalps, even the scalps of 
women and children. 

Thomas Girty was the best of the four brothers. He took no 
part in raids against the Americans, but served his Country 
loyally. For many years he made his home near Fort Pitt, and 
was living in Pittsburgh in May, 1782, at which time he joined 
with other inhabitants of the town in a petition to General 
William Irvine, asking that the General order the soldiers of Fort 
Pitt to discontinue their practice of "playing at long bullets" in 
the streets, and thus endangering the lives of the children of the 
petitioners. This petition was granted. 

Some time prior to 1800, Thomas Girty took up a tract of 
four hundred acres of land, a few miles south of Prospect, Butler 
County. Some authorities say he lived here until his death, 
which, they say, occurred prior to 1803, while other authorities 
say he died in Pittsburgh, on November 3d, 1820. Whateve 
may be the fact as to the time of the death of Thomas Girty, «' 
settler, named David Kerr, laid claim to the Girty land, and, oni 
evening in 1803, came to the cabin when no one was there excep 
Ann Girty, wife of Thomas, and fatally shot her. Kerr had come 
for the purpose of ejecting Mrs. Girty. During the argument, 
which took place between them, Mrs. Girty struck Kerr in the 
face with a clapboard with which she was raking the fire, where- 
upon he shot her in the breast with his pistol. She died of the 
wound several weeks later. Kerr was never brought to justice 
for his crime, on account of the stigma attaching to the Girty 
name, and, for the same reason, the body of poor Ann Girty was 
refused burial in the Mount Nebo Presbyterian cemetery near 
her home. She was laid to rest in the forest, where the author 
has often seen her grave. Yet, the Butler County settlers bore 
testimony to the fact that the family of Thomas Girty were good 
and peaceable neighbors. Thomas Girty, Jr., lived on the Butler 
County plantation for some years after his mother's death. On 
December 26th, 1807, he sold all his interest in the farm to 
Thomas Ferree, for a consideration of one hundred dollars, the 
instrument being recorded in the ofiice of the recorder of deeds in 
and for Butler County, in deed book A, page 558. 


Eflforts for Peace in 1756 

THE declaration of war against the Delawares and Shawnees 
was very distasteful to the Quaker members of the Provincial 
Assembly. They believed that these tribes would not have taken 
up arms against the Province without a reason. Furthermore, 
they believed that adequate efforts had not been made towards 
reconciliation before war was declared. Without going into 
details, we state that, a few days after war was declared, Israel 
Pemberton waited upon Governor Morris on behalf of numerous 
members of the Society of Friends, and, as a result, Canachquasy, 
or Captain New Castle, was sent to the Delawares and Shawnees 
of the Susquehanna with overtures of peace, while Scarouady 
was sent to the territory of the Six Nations and to Sir William 
Johnson to acquaint them with the efforts Pennsylvania was in- 
stituting to bring about peace with the Delawares and Shawnees. 
(Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 103 to 109.) 

Canachquasy spent four days at Wyoming, and then went on 
to Tioga, an important town of the Six Nations, Nanticokes, and 
Munsee Clan of Delawares, situated on the site of Athens, Brad- 
ford County. It was the southern gateway to the country of the 
Iroquois, and all the great war paths and hunting trails from the 
South and Southwest centered there. He held conferences with 
the Indians of this place and the surrounding towns, and made 
known to them the Governor's message. These Indians agreed to 
lay aside the hatchet and enter into negotiations for peace; but 
they cautioned Canachquasy not to charge them with anything 
that may have been done by the Delawares of the Ohio and Alle- 
gheny Valleys under the influence of the French. 

Canachquasy then returned to Philadelphia early in June, and 
laid his report before the Governor and Provincial Council. The 
Governor and Council, upon hearing the favorable report, drafted 
a proclamation for a suspension of hostilities with the enemy 
Indians of the Susquehanna Valley for a period of thirty days, and 
desired that a conference with them for the purpose of making 


peace, should be held at the earliest possible date. (Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 7, pages 137 to 142). 

Canachquasy then left once more for Tioga, bearing the 
Governor's message, advising the Susquehanna Indians that the 
Colony would agree to a truce of thirty days and that, as one of 
the conditions of making peace, the prisoners taken on both sides 
should be delivered up. Shortly after he left, messengers were 
sent to him by the Governor carrying a few additional instruc- 
tions, which were delivered to him at Bethlehem. In the mean- 
time. Sir William Johnson, of New York, was holding a peace con- 
ference with the Six Nations at Otseningo, at which the assembled 
sachems of the Iroquois decided that the Delawares were acting 
like drunken men, and sent deputies to order them to become 
sober and cease their warfare against the English. This con- 
ference was composed of only a portion of the Iroquois, and the 
Delawares replied very haughtily saying that they were no longer 
women but men. "We are determined," said they, "to cut off all 
the English except those that make their escape from us in ships." 

After a dangerous journey over the mountains and through the 
wilderness, Canachquasy reached Tioga, held conferences with 
the great Delaware chieftain, Teedyuscung, and persuaded him 
to bury the hatchet, — a most remarkable victory. 

First Conference with Teedyuscung 

Canachquasy then returned to Philadelphia in the middle of 
July, 1756, and laid before the Governor and Provincial Council 
the results of his second mission to Tioga. 

Immediately upon Canachquasy's return to Philadelphia from 
his second mission to Tioga, arrangements were made for a con- 
ference with Teedyuscung at Easton, which place Governor 
Morris with the Provincial Council, reached on July 24, 1756. 
The conference formally opened on July 28th, Conrad Weiser in 
the meantime having posted his troops in the vicinity of Easton. 
Teedyuscung and the fourteen other chiefs accompanying him 
were formally welcomed by Governor Morris. Teedyuscung made 
the following reply: 

"Last spring you sent me a string [of wampum], and as soon 
as I heard the good words you sent, I was glad, and as you told us, 
we believed it came from your hearts. So we felt it in our hearts 
and received what you said with joy. The first messages you 
sent me came in the spring; they touched my heart; they gave me 


abundance of joy. You have kindled a council fire at Easton. 
I have been here several days smoking my pipe in patience, wait- 
ing to hear your good words. Abundant confusion has of late 
years been rife among the Indians, because of their loose ways of 
doing business. False leaders have deceived the people. It has 
bred quarrels and heart-burnings among my people. 

"The Delaware is no longer the slave of the Six Nations. I, 
Teedyuscung, have been appointed King over the Five United 
Nations [meaning the three Clans of Delawares, the Shawnees 
and the Nanticokes], and representative of the Five Iroquois 
Nations. What I do here will be approved by all. This is a good 
day; whoever will make peace, let him lay hold of this belt, and 
the nations around shall see and know it. I desire to conduct 
myself according to your words, which I will perform to the ut- 
most of my power. I wish the same good that possessed the good 
old man, William Penn, who was the friend to the Indian, may 
inspire the people of this Province at this time." 

In the conferences that followed, the Governor insisted that, as 
a condition for peace, Teedyuscung and the Indians under his 
command should return all the prisoners that they had captured 
since taking up arms against the Colony; and Teedyuscung in- 
sisted that his people on the Susquehanna were not responsible 
for the actions of the Delawares and Shawnees on the Ohio. But, 
inasmuch as only a small delegation of chiefs had accompanied 
Teedyuscung to Easton, it was desired that he and Canachquasy 
should go back among the Indians, give the "Big Peace Halloo," 
and gather their followers together for a larger peace conference 
that would be more representative of the Indians, and to be held 
in the near future. 

The Governor then gave Teedyuscung a present, informing 
him that a part of it "was given by the people called Quakers, who 
are descendants of those who first came over to this country with 
your old friend, William Penn, as a particular testimony of their 
regard and affection for the Indians, and their earnest desire to 
promote the good work of peace, in which we are now engaged." 

This first peace conference with Teedyuscung, at Easton, 
closed on July 31st, 1756, the very day the Delaware chief, 
Captain J acobs, attacked Fort Granville. A full account of the 
conference is found in Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 204 to 220. 

After the conference, Teedyuscung and Canachquasy, as stated 
above, started to give the "Big Peace Halloo" among the hostile 
tribes, but Teedyuscung remained for a time at Fort Allen, where 


he secured liquor and remained intoxicated for a considerable 
time. Lieutenant Miller was in charge of the fort at this time, 
and Teedyuscung brought sixteen deer skins which he said 
he was going to present to the Governor "to make him a pair of 
gloves." Lieutenant Miller insisted that one skin was enough to 
make the Governor a pair of gloves, and after supplying Teedy- 
uscung liberally with rum, he secured from him the entire sixteen 
deer skins for only three pounds. The sale was made while the 
chief was intoxicated, and afterwards he remained at the fort 
demanding more rum, which Miller supplied, Canachquasy in 
the meantime having gone away in disgust. 

On August 21st, Teedyuscung and his retinue went to Bethle- 
hem, where his wife, Elizabeth, and her three children desired to 
remain while the "King" went on an expedition to the Minisinks, 
for the purpose of putting a stop to some depredations which they 
were committing in New Jersey. Returning from this expedition, 
he went to Wyoming, where he sent word to Major Parsons at 
Easton requesting that his wife and children be sent to join him. 
Upon Parson's making known the King's desire, the wife deter- 
mined to stay at Bethlehem. He then made frequent visits to 
this place, much to the annoyance of the Moravian missionaries. 

When the Provincial Authorities learned of the cause of Teedy- 
uscung's detention at Fort Allen, Lieutenant Miller was dis- 
charged, and Teedyuscung went to Wyoming, thence up the 
North Branch of the Susquehanna, persuading the Indians to lay 
down their arms, and to send deputies to a second conference to 
be held at Easton, in October. However, in the meantime, 
Governor William Denny, who succeeded Governor Morris in 
August, becoming suspicious of the chief's long delay at Forf 
Allen and being influenced, no doubt by the statements of many 
Indians on the border that Teedyuscung was not sincere in his 
peace professions, that he was a traitor, and that the Easton con- 
ference was but a ruse to gain time, sent Canachquasy secretly to 
New York to ascertain from the Six Nations whether or not they 
had deputized Teedyuscung to represent them in important 
treaties. Canachquasy returned, on October 24th, with the re- 
port that the Six Nations denied Teedyuscung's authority. Ap- 
pearing before the Provincial Council, he gave the following 
report : 

"I have but in part executed my commission, not having op- 
portunity of having done it so fully as I wished. I met with 
Canyase, one of the principal counsellors of the Six Nations, a 


Mohawk chief, who has a regard for Pennsylvania ... I related 
to this chief very particularly the manner in which Teedyuscung 
spoke of himself and his commission and authority from the Six 
Nations at the treaty at Easton. I gave him a true notion of all 
he said on this head and how often he repeated it to the Governor, 
and then asked whether he knew anything of this matter. Canyase 
said he did; Teedyuscung did not speak the truth when he told 
the Governor he had a regular authority from the Six Nations to 
treat with Onas. Canyase then proceeded and said: 'Teedy- 
uscung on behalf of the Delawares did apply to me as chief of the 
Six Nations. He and I had long discourses together and in these 
conversations, I told him that the Delawares were women and 
always treated as such by the Six Nations.' " (Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 7, pages 296 to 298.) 

Governor Denny endeavored to have Teedyuscung attend a 
conference in Philadelphia, in an effort to continue the peace 
work begun at the Easton Conference of July of that year. Teedy- 
uscung sent the following reply by Conrad Weiser to Governor 
Denny's invitation: "Brother, you remember very well that in 
time of darkness and danger, I came in here at your invitation. 
At Easton, we kindled a small council fire ... If you should 
put out this little fire, our enemies will call it only a jack lantern, 
kindled on purpose to deceive those who approach it. Brother, 
I think it by no means advisable to put out this little fire, but 
rather to put more sticks upon it, and I desire that you will come 
to it [at Easton] as soon as possible, bringing your old and wise 
men along with you, and we shall be very glad to see you here." 

Second Conference with Teedyuscung 

Upon Teedyuscung's refusal to go to Philadelphia, Governor 
Denny decided to meet the chief at Easton, where the second 
great conference with him and the Indians under his command 
opened on November 8, 1756. "The Governor marched from his 
lodgings to the place of conference, guarded by a party of Royal 
Americans on the front and on the flanks, and a detachment of 
Colonel Conrad Weiser's provincials in subdivisions in the rear, 
with colors flying, drums beating, and music playing, which order 
was always observed in going to the place of conference." Says 
Dr. George P. Donehoo, in his "Pennsylvania — A History": 

"Teedyuscung opened the council with a speech and with all 
of the usual formalities of an Indian council. This Indian chief, 


called a 'King', was a most gifted orator and talented diplomat. 
His one most bitter enemy was his own vice of drunkenness which 
led to all of his troubles and to his death. The one marvel about 
him was that when he had been on a drunken spree all night and 
kept so by his enemies, he would appear the next day with a clear 
head, fully fit to deal with all of the complex problems which 
arose. His foes among the Indians and among the English kept 
him filled with rum in the hope that he could be rendered so 
drunk that he could not attend to his business. He would sleep 
out all night, under a shed, anywhere, in a drunken stupor, and 
appear the next day with a clear head and an eloquent tongue to 
'fight for peace, at any price.' In his opening address, in referring 
to the tales which had been told about him he says: 'Many idle 
reports are spread by foolish and busy people; I agree with you 
that on both sides they ought to be no more regarded than the 
chirping of birds in the woods.' What great orator today could 
express himself more perfectly and beautifully?" 

Teedyuscung Charges That Delawares Were 
Defrauded Out of Their Lands 

Governor Denny in his reply to Teedyuscung's speech, asked 
him why the Delawares had gone to war against the English. 
Teedyuscung in his reply stated that great injustice had been 
done the Delawares in various land purchases. The Governor 
then asked him to be specific in his statements and point out what 
land sales, in his opinion, had been unjust. Then Teedyuscung 
stamped his foot upon the ground and made the following heated 
reply : 

"I have not far to go for an instance; this very ground that is 
under me [striking it with his foot] was my land and inheritance, 
and is taken from me by fraud. When I say this ground, I mean 
all the land lying between Tohiccon Creek and Wyoming, on the 
River Susquehannah. I have not only been served so in this 
Government, but the same thing has been done to me as to several 
tracts in New Jersey over the River. When I have sold lands 
fairly, I look upon them to be really sold. A bargain is a bargain. 
Tho' I have sometimes had nothing for the lands I have sold but 
broken pipes or such triffles, yet when I have sold them, tho' for 
such triffles, I look upon the bargain to be good. Yet I think 
that I should not be ill used on this account by those very people 
who have had such an advantage in their purchases, nor be called 


a fool for it. Indians are not such fools as to bear this in their 

Governor Denny then asked him if he (Teedyuscung) had 
ever been dealt with in such a manner, and the chief replied : 

"Yes, I have been served so in this Province; all the land ex- 
tending from Tohiccon, over the great mountain, to Wyoming, 
has been taken from me by fraud ; for when I agreed to sell the 
land to the old Proprietary, by the course of the River, the young 
Proprietaries came and got it run by a straight course by the 
compass, and by that means took in double the quantity intended 
to be sold. ... I did not intend to speak thus, but I have done 
it at this time, at your request; not that I desire now you should 
purchase these lands, but that you should look into your own 
hearts, and consider what is right, and that do." 

It is thus seen that Teedyuscung referred directly to the noto- 
rious Walking Purchase of 1737. Governor Denny then consulted 
Richard Peters and Conrad Weiser about the transactions com- 
plained of. Peters said that Teedyuscung's charges should be 
considered, inasmuch as they had been made before; but Weiser 
advised that none of the Indians attending Teedyuscung at this 
second Easton conference had ever owned any of the lands in 
question ; that if any were living who had at one time owned the 
lands, they had long since removed to the valleys of the Ohio and 
Allegheny. Weiser further told the Governor that the land in 
question had been bought by the Proprietaries when John and 
Thomas Penn were in the Colony; that a line was soon after run 
by Indians and surveyors; and that, when a number of the chiefs 
of the Delawares complained about the Walking Purchase after- 
wards, the deeds were produced and the names of the grantors 
attached to them examined at the council held in Philadelphia, in 
1742, at which council, after a long hearing, Canassatego as the 
speaker of the Six Nations declared that the deeds were correct, 
and ordered the Delawares to remove from the bounds of the 

The Governor then advised Teedyuscung that the deeds to 
which he referred were in Philadelphia; that he would examine 
them upon his return to the city, and if any injustice had been 
done the Delawares, he would see that they should receive full 
satisfaction. Some days later, however, Governor Denny denied 
that any injustice had been done the Delawares by the Walking 
Purchase, but offered a very handsome present to make satisfac- 
tion for the injuries which they complained of. This present 


Teedyuscung refused to receive; and the matter was then placed 
in charge of an investigating committee. 

It was then decided that a general peace should be proclaimed, 
provided that the white prisoners were delivered up, and that the 
declaration of war and Scalp Act should not apply to any Indians 
who would promise to lay down their arms. 

Teedyuscung then made the following promise in regard to 
the delivery of the captives : 

"I will use my utmost endeavors to bring you down your 
prisoners. I have to request you that you would give liberty to 
all persons and friends to search into these matters; as we are all 
children of the Most High, we should endeavor to assist and make 
use of one another, and not only so, but from what I have heard, 
I believe there is a future state besides this flesh. Now I en- 
deavour to act upon both these principles, and will, according to 
what I have promised, if the Great Spirit spare my life, come next 
spring with as great a force of Indians as I can get to your satis- 

At the close of the conference, Teedyuscung's delegation was 
given a present to the value of four hundred pounds, the Governor 
advising that the larger part of it was from the Quakers. Teedy- 
uscung in his reply urged that the work of peace be continued. 

The second peace conference with Teedyuscung, at Easton, 
closed on November 17th, 1756. In its minutes, recorded in Pa. 
Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 313 to 338, we read: "Teedyuscung 
showed great pleasure in his countenance, and took a kind leave 
of the Governor and all present." 

Upon the close of the conference, Conrad Weiser, Joseph 
Pumpshire and the friendly Delaware chief, Moses Tatemy, ac- 
companied Teedyuscung to Bethlehem, and then to Fort Allen, 
on his way back to his people. Says Weiser: "Teedyuscung, 
quite sober, parted with me with tears in his eyes, recommended 
Pumpshire to the Government of Pennsylvania, and desired me 
to stand a friend to the Indians, and give good advice, till every 
thing that was designed was brought about. Though he is a 
drunkard and a very irregular man, yet he is a man that can 
think well, and I believe him to be sincere in what he said.'' (Pa. 
Archives, Vol. 3, pages 67 and 68.) 

About this time, Conrad Weiser had a conversation with 
Joseph Pumpshire and the friendly Delaware chief, Moses Tatemy, 
in which Tatemy informed him of the full speech Teedyuscung 
was to have made, but did not make, through fear of the Six 


Nations' chiefs present at the treaty. The undelivered speech 
dealt, in part, with the occupation of the Wyoming Valley by the 
Connecticut settlers as being one of the causes of the hostility of 
the Indians. 

Shortly after the Easton Conference of November, 1756, mur- 
ders were committed below the Blue Mountains, which the 
Wyoming Delawares disavowed, and when the Governor sent 
Mr. Hill with a message to Teedyuscung, he was waylaid on his 
journey from Minisink, and murdered, it was claimed, by Iro- 
quois. Heckewelder states that the Delawares assured him that 
many murders were committed by the Iroquois in order to "pre- 
vent the effects of the [Easton] treaty." 

Subsequent peace conferences with Teedyuscung, during the 
years 1757 and 1758, will be described in later chapters of this 
history. The plan was first to work out peace with the Delawares 
and Shawnees on the Susquehanna, whose leader Teedyuscung 
claimed to be, and then to draw the Delawares and Shawnees of 
the Ohio and Allegheny away from the French interest. This 
latter was suggested by Teedyuscung and accomplished through 
the peace missions of the Moravian missionary. Christian Fred- 
erick Post, in the summer and autumn of 1758, as will be seen in 
a later chapter. 

Obstacles in the Way of Peace 

J. S. Walton, in his "Conrad Weiser and the Indian Policy of 
Colonial Pennsylvania," thus sets forth the obstacles which con- 
fronted Pennsylvania in her efforts to make peace with the hostile 
Delawares and Shawnees: 

"The prospects of peace were growing more and more embar- 
rassing. England, now that war was declared with France, sent 
Lord Loudon to America to take charge. Indian affairs were 
placed under the control of two men. Sir William Johnson for the 
northern, and Mr. Atkins for the southern colonies. Loudon's 
policy was to secure as many Indians as possible for allies, and 
with them strike the French. To this end Mr. Atkins secured the 
alliance of the Cherokee and other southern tribes. These were 
immediately added to the armies of Virginia and Western Penn- 
sylvania. This act stirred the Northern Indians. The Iroquois 
and the Delawares declared that they could never fight on the 
same side with the despised Cherokees. This southern alliance 
meant northern revolt, and threatened to crush the peace negotia- 
tions at Easton. At this critical juncture. Lord Loudon, whose 


ignorance of the problem before him was equalled only by his 
contempt for provincialism, ordered the Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania to have nothing whatever to do with Indian affairs. Sir 
William Johnson, only, should control these things. Moreover, 
all efforts towards peace were advantages given to the enemy. 
Johnson, however was inclined towards peace, but he seriously 
complicated affairs in Pennsylvania by appointing George Cro- 
ghan his sole deputy in the Province. Croghan and Weiser had 
quite different views upon Indian affairs. The Indians were 
quick to notice these changes. Jonathan, an old Mohawk chief, 
in conversation with Conrad Weiser said: 'Is it true that you are 
become a fallen tree, that you must no more engage in Indian 
affairs, neither as counsellor nor interpreter? What is the reason? 
Weiser replied, 'It is all too true. The King of Great Britain has 
appointed Warruychyockon [Sir William Johnson] to be manager 
of all Indian affairs that concern treaties of friendship, war, etc. 
And that accordingly the Great General (Lord Loudon) that came 
over the Great Waters, had in the name of the King ordered the 
Government of Pennsylvania to desist from holding treaties with 
the Indians, and the Government of Pennsylvania will obey the 
King's command, and consequently I, as the Government's ser- 
vant, have nothing more to do with Indian affairs.' Jonathan and 
his companion replied in concert, 'Ha! Ha!' meaning 'Oh, sad.' 
The two Indians then whispered together a few minutes, during 
which Weiser politely withdrew into another room. When he 
returned Jonathan said, 'Comrade, I hear you have engaged on 
another bottom. You are made a captain of warriors and laid 
aside council affairs and turned soldier.' 

"To this Weiser replied with some spirit, setting forth his 
reasons for self-defense, the bloody outrages of the Indians, the 
reception of the first peace messengers. 'You know,' said Weiser. 
'that their lives were threatened. You know the insolent answer 
which came back that caused us to declare war. I was at Easton 
working for peace and if I had my wish there would be no war at 
all. . . . So, comrade, do not charge me with such a thing as 
that.' The Indians thanked Weiser for the explanation and went 
away satisfied. But at the same time Weiser was shorn of his 
power among the Indians. Making him commander of the Pro- 
vincial forces robbed Pennsylvania of her most powerful advocate 
at the council fires of the Indians." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 
491 and 492.) 

'1 o the above statements of Walton we would add that Croghan 


and Weiser never did agree in the conduct of Indian affairs; that 
Croghan, on account of his long trading with the Delawares and 
Shawnees, was more of a friend of them than he was of the Six 
Nations; that Weiser, on account of his having Hved among the 
Six Nations in his youth and having always been in close relations 
with their great chiefs, especially Shikellamy, was always on their 
side in any disputes with the Delawares and Shawnees; that now, 
since the chief Indian character in the peace measures, was Teedy- 
uscung, a Delaware, Weiser's influence became less than that of 
Croghan; that the hatred of the Delawares, Shawnees and Six 
Nations for the Catawbas and Cherokees was too deep-seated to 
be wiped out by a few conferences; that these Southern tribes had 
been driven out of the Ohio Valley, generations before, by the 
Iroquois, Delawares and Shawnees, and ever since that time, not 
only the Iroquois, but also the Delawares and Shawnees had 
been sending war parties against the Catawbas and Cherokees — 
a warfare that the Iroquois said had existed "since the world 
began and would last forever;" and that the French took advan- 
tage of this age-long feud between the Northern and the Southern 
Indians, in telling the Delawares and Shawnees, when the Ohio 
Company began to open a road to the Ohio, that it was for the 
purpose of making a route over which the Cherokees and Ca- 
tawbas could come to enter their former habitat and to kill them — 
a statement that the French repeated to the Delawares and Shaw- 
nees when Braddock was marching over the mountains against 
Fort Duquesne, in the summer of 1755, causing such fear to 
remain in the hearts of the Delawares as seriously to hinder 
peace negotiations, even the peace mission of Christian Frederick 
Post, in the autumn of 1758. 

Death of Canachquasy 

While attending the first conference with Teedyuscung, at 
Easton, Canachquasy had a presentiment of death — a presenti- 
ment soon to be fulfilled. Shortly after his appearance before the 
Provincial Council, on October 24th, when he gave a report of his 
mission to the Six Nations, he contracted small-pox, which was 
then raging in Philadelphia, and before the middle of November, 
this firm friend of the English, this great peace apostle among the 
Indians, was no more. At the closing session of the second con- 
ference with Teedyuscung, at Easton, Governor Denny informed 
the assembled Indians of the death of Canachquasy and several 


other friendly Indians who had recently died of small-pox, at 
Philadelphia. Said the Governor to Teedyuscung and the other 
chiefs: "I wipe away your tears; I take the grief from your hearts: 
I cover the graves; eternal rest with their spirits." Then Teedy- 
uscung addressed the chiefs on this mournful occasion. They 
remained silent for some time. Then the oldest of them arose 
and pronounced a funeral oration, after which Teedyuscung 
again spoke, praising the efforts Canachquasy had made in pro- 
moting the good work of peace. Canachquasy's devotion to the 
cause of the English commands our great admiration and respect. 
He said he would die for the sons of Onas. 


Events of the Year 1757 

ON January 13th, 1757, Governor William Denny issued a 
proclamation suspending hostilities with the Delawares and 
Shawnees on the Susquehanna for the period of fifty days. How- 
ever, this proclamation did not prevent the soldiers and inhabi- 
tants of the Province from defending themselves, or from killing 
any Indians committing acts of hostility against any of the forts 
or against any of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania. (Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 7, page 300.) 

Lancaster Council of May, 1757 

At about this time, as stated in a former chapter. Sir William 
Johnson, who had been put in charge of Indian affairs in the 
colonies, appointed George Croghan as his deputy in charge of 
Indian affairs in Pennsylvania. During the first few days of 
April, Croghan held a council with a large body of Delawares, 
Tuscaroras, Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas 
and Nanticokes, at Harris' Ferry (Harrisburg). Rev. John Elder, 
Captain Thomas McKee, John Harris, Hugh Crawford and 
Joseph Armstrong also attended this council. Not being able to 
accomplish much at Harris' Ferry, Croghan urged the Indians 
to go to Philadelphia to hold a treaty. They declined to do this, 
but consented to go to Lancaster, to which place the council fire 
was removed on April 7th. 

Teedyuscung, did not attend the Lancaster Council, being 
still among the Indians, working for peace. It was the desire of 
Johnson and Croghan that all friendly Indians should take up 
the hatchet in the English cause; but Teedyuscung opposed this, 
and contended that the friendly Indians should be asked no more 
than to remain neutral. While the delegation of chiefs was wait- 
ing near Lancaster for Teedyuscung, Governor Denny received 
orders from Lord Loudon not to take part in Indian treaties, and 
to forbid the Quakers from attending such treaties or contributing 


thereto in any manner. The Governor then decHned to take part 
in the Lancaster treaty. 

Says Walton: "Letters and petitions now poured in upon the 
Governor. WilHam Masters and Joseph Galaway, of Lancaster, 
voiced the sentiment of that vicinity in a letter urging the Gover- 
nor to come to Lancaster immediately, and use every possible 
means to ascertain the truth or falsity of Teedyuscung's charges. 
'The Indians now present have plainly intimated that they are 
acquainted with the true cause of our Indian war.' The Friendly 
Society for the Promotion of Peace Among the Indians asked 
permission of the Governor to examine the minutes of the Pro- 
vincial Council and the Proprietaries' deeds, in order to 'assist 
the Proprietaries in proving their innocence of Teedyuscung's 
charges.' The Governor positively refused to show them any 
papers. The Commissioners in charge of Indian affairs were also 
refused the same request. The Governor then lost his temper and 
charged the Quakers of Pennsylvania with meddling in affairs 
which did not concern them. The Assembly then sent a message 
to the Governor, denying that the people of the Province ever 
interfered with his majesty's prerogative of making peace and 
war . . . 'Their known duty and loyalty to his majesty, not- 
withstanding the pains taken to misrepresent their actions, for- 
bids such an attempt. It is now clear by the inquiries made by 
your Honor, that the cause of the present Indian incursions in 
this Province, and the dreadful calamities many of the inhabitants 
have suffered, have arisen in a great measure from the exorbitant 
and unreasonable purchases made or supposed to have been made 
of the Indians, that the natives complain that there is not a 
country left to hunt or subsist in.' 

Governor Denny was compelled by pressure of the people to 
go to the Lancaster conference. He arrived there on May 11th. 
At this time, the Cherokees, who were serving in the army at 
Fort Loudon and Fort Cumberland, were particularly opposed to 
any peace with the Delawares. While the conferences were in 
progress at Lancaster, some Indian outrages occurred on the 
Swatara, so exasperating the people that they brought the 
mutilated body of a woman, whom the Indians had scalped, and 
left it on the court house steps, at Lancaster, as the silent witness, 
as they said, of the fruits of an Indian peace. All these matters, 
together with the absence of the great Teedyuscung, made it 
impossible to accomplish anything definite at Lancaster. George 
Croghan was anxious that the Western Indians be taken into a 


treaty of peace at Lancaster, and this question was therefore 
postponed on account of the absence of Teedyuscung. 

While Teedyuscung did not attend the Lancaster treaty, he 
sent a message complaining bitterly of the Moravians at Bethle- 
hem, as follows: 

"Brothers, there is one thing that gives us a great deal of con- 
cern, which is our flesh and blood that live among you at Bethle- 
hem and in the Jersies, being kept as if they were prisoners. We 
formally applied to the minister at Bethlehem [probably meaning 
Bishop Spangenberg] to let our people come back at times and 
hunt, which is the chief industry we follow to maintain our 
families; but that minister has not listened to what we said to him, 
and it is very hard that our people have not the liberty of coming 
back to the woods where game is plenty, and to see their friends. 
They have complained to us that they cannot hunt where they 
are. If they go to the woods and cut down a tree, they are abused 
for it, notwithstanding that very land we look upon to be our own ; 
and we hope, brothers, that you will consider this matter and let 
our people come back into the woods, and visit their friends, and 
pass and repass, as brothers ought to do." 

The Moravian missionaries resented this message of Teedy- 
uscung, claiming that he well knew the sentiments of the Indian 
converts at Bethlehem, and that they were there of their own free 
will. The Colonial Government, however, paid no attention to 
the message. 

The matter of the fraudulent land sales came up at this confer- 
ence at Lancaster. One of the chiefs of the Six Nations, Little 
Abraham, a Mohawk, spoke as follows concerning the frauds 
upon the Delawares: 

"They lived among you, brothers, but upon some difference 
between you and them, we [the Six Nations] thought proper to 
remove them, giving them lands to plant and hunt on at Wyo- 
ming and Juniata on Susquehanna. But you, covetous of land, 
made plantations there and spoiled their hunting grounds. They 
then complained to us, and we looked over those lands and 
found the complaints to be true . . . The French became ac- 
quainted with all the causes of complaint that the Delawares had 
against you ; and as your people were daily increasing their settle- 
ments, by this means you drove them [the Delawares] back into 
the arms of the French, and they took the advantage of spiriting 
them up against you by telling them: 'Children, you see, and we 
have often told you, how the English, your brethren, did serve; 


they plant all the country, and drive you back; so that in a little 
time you will have no land. It is not so with us. Though we 
built trading houses on your land, we do not plant it. We have 
our provisions from over the great waters.' " 

The Six Nations' chiefs at this conference then advised that 
part of the lands of the Delawares be given back to them and 
promised to make both the Delawares and Shawnees return the 
captives. They further urged that another invitation be sent to 
Teedyuscung to come and bring some Senecas with him, in order 
that the land question might be fully settled. Governor Denny 
followed the suggestion of the chiefs of the Six Nations made at 
the Lancaster conference, and accordingly arranged for the third 
council or treaty at Easton, where the complaints of the Dela- 
wares might be more fully heard. This treaty we shall discuss 
later in this chapter. 

Little Abraham also gave information as to the things that 
took place at the Indian council at Otseningo (Chenango), when 
the Delawares threw off the yoke of the Six Nations, and said: 
"We are men, and are determined not to be ruled any longer by 
you as Women; and we are determined to cut off all the English, 
except those that make their Escape from us in Ships." 

While the Indians were encamped at Lancaster, Scarouady left 
with some Mohawk warriors to reconnoitre the wilderness in the 
vicinity of Fort Augusta and the region towards the Ohio. The 
old chief asked permission from Croghan to make this expedition, 
saying that he was apprehensive that the French and their 
Indian allies would make an attempt against this fort. 

Some of the messengers, sent by Croghan to the Ohio, returned 
to Lancaster on May 9th. They had gone to Venango, Kuskus- 
kies and other towns in the western part of the Province. They 
reported that the most of the Delawares who formerly lived at 
Kittanning, were living at Kuskuskies; that, at Venango, they 
were well received by the Delaware chief, Custaloga, at which 
place they found but fifteen Frenchmen at the French fort (Fort 
Machault); that the Delawares at Venango advised them that 
they would be very glad to enter into peace negotiations, but 
must first consult the Senecas; that the messengers then went to 
a town some miles from Venango where they consulted with the 
Seneca chief, Garistagee, who then and there advised the Venango 
Delawares not to accept Croghan's overtures, giving, as a reason, 
that the messengers had not brought "proper belts for this occa- 
sion," but further saying that, if Croghan would send "a proper 


belt with men wrought in it for the several tribes he wants to 
meet with, made of old council wampum, which is the custom of 
the Six Nations, I will go down with you and see him." The 
returned scouts and messengers further reported that they were 
sure the French intended to make an attack of importance 
against the English, but that they could not tell where this 
attack would take place. Then they gave the following infor- 
mation as to the activities of the Cherokees and Catawbas in 
behalf of the English : 

"The Ohio Indians are much afraid of the Southern Indians, 
having been struck three times by them this spring — twice near 
Fort Duquesne and once at the Logs Town." 

The Lancaster Council closed on May 22nd. During its ses- 
sions, many of the Indians contracted small-pox, and some of 
them died. For account of this council, the reader is referred to 
Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 510 to SSL 

In the spring of 17S7, a number of Cherokees and Catawbas 
came to Pennsylvania to assist the English. They were brought 
by Captain Paris, a trader among them. Reference has been 
made in a former chapter, to the fact that the presence of the 
Cherokees and Catawbas among the forces of the English 
hindered peace negotiations with the Delawares and Shawnees, 
their age-long enemies. From the time when the Ohio Company 
began to open a road to the Ohio, the French never ceased to tell 
the Delawares and Shawnees that the English were planning to 
cause the Catawbas and Cherokees to destroy these tribes. In 
17S6, the French were especially active in spreading this propa- 
ganda among the Delawares and Shawnees. John A. Long, who 
was captured near Cumberland, Maryland, in April of that year, 
and carried to the Indian town of Buccaloons, or Buckaloon, at 
the mouth of Brokenstraw Creek, Warren County, reported to 
Governor Dinwiddle, after his return to Fort Cumberland, in 
September (17S6), that the Iroquois of Buckaloons had heard a 
report that the English had joined with the Cherokees and 
Catawbas. (Pa. Col. Rec. Vol. 7, page 289.) Furthermore, 
Croghan was distasteful to these southern tribes. (Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 7, page 5S7.) All these things, added to the fact that Cro- 
ghan and Weiser differed in their ideas as to the manner of con- 
ducting Indian affairs, threw many obstacles in the way of 
attaining peace with the Delawares and Shawnees. 

The Cherokees and Catawbas acted principally as scouts. They 
were familiar with the Indian trails of Western Pennsylvania, 


from the long warfare they had carried on against the Iroquois, 
Shawnees and Delawares. Their principal base of operations in 
Pennsylvania were Forts Loudon and Littleton. On May 20th, 
1757, a scouting party of five soldiers and fifteen Cherokees went 
out from Fort Cumberland, led by Lieutenant Baker. They went 
almost to the walls of Fort Duquesne, and had an engagement 
with some French and Indians within two miles of the fort, in 
which a number of scalps were taken and a French officer was 
captured. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, page 603.) 

Third Conference with Teedyuscung at Easton 

The third council with Teedyuscung at Easton opened on 
July 21, 1757, and continued until August 7th. The friendly 
Shawnee chief, Paxinosa, was also present. There were almost 
endless discussions about Teedyuscung's having a secretary of 
his own, deeds, frauds, and other matters which had come before 
Indian councils for many years prior to this council. Finally, 
John Pumpshire was selected by Teedyuscung as his interpreter, 
and Charles Thomson, master of the Quaker school in Philadel- 
phia, as his clerk. Thomson, in writing of this affair to Samuel 
Rhodes, says: 

"I need not mention the importance of the business we are 
come about. The welfare of the Province and the lives of thou- 
sands depend upon it. That an affair of such weight should be 
transacted with soberness, all will allow; how, then, must it 
shock you to hear that pains seem to have been taken to make the 
King [Teedyuscung] drunk every night since the business began. 
The first two or three days were spent in deliberating whether the 
King should be allowed the privilege of a clerk. When he was 
resolute in asserting his right and would enter into no business 
without having a secretary of his own, they at last gave it up, 
and seem to have fallen on another scheme which is to unfit him 
to say anything worthy of being inscribed (?) by his secretary. 
On Saturday, under pretense of rejoicing for the victory gained 
by the King of Prussia and the arrival of the fleet, a bonfire was 
ordered to be made and liquor given to the Indians to induce them 
to dance. For fear they should get sober on Sunday and be fit 
next day to enter on business, under pretense that the Mohawks 
had requested it, another bonfire was ordered to be made, and 
more liquor given them. On Monday night the King was made 
drunk by Conrad Weiser, on Tuesday by G. Croghan; last night 


he was very drunk at Vernon's, and Vernon lays the blame on 
Comin and G. Croghan. He did not go to sleep last night. This 
morning he lay down under a shed about the break of day and 
slept a few hours. He is to speak this afternoon. He is to be 
sure in a fine capacity to do business. But thus we go on. I 
leave you to make reflections. I for my part wish myself at 

Teedyuscung Renews Charge of Fraud 

Teedyuscung entered this third Easton council with his mind 
made up not to reiterate the charge of fraud concerning the Walk- 
ing Purchase, doubtless fearing the Six Nations. His advisors 
told him that he could afford to wait until peace was fully estab- 
ished, before asserting the Delaware rights to lands drained by 
the Delaware River. However, Governor Denny was determined 
to make the great chief deny that any fraud had been practiced 
upon the Delawares in land purchases. When pressed for the 
cause of the alienation of the Delawares, Teedyuscung unequi- 
vocally asserted that it was the land purchases. Said he: 

"The complaint I made last fall I yet continue. I think some 
lands have been bought by the Proprietors or his agents from 
Indians who had not a right to sell ... I think, also, when some 
lands have been sold to the Proprietors by Indians who had a 
right to sell to a certain place, whether that purchase was to be 
measured by miles or hours walk, that the Proprietors have con- 
trary to agreement or bargain, taken in more lands than they 
ought to have done, and lands that belonged to others. I there- 
fore now desire that you will produce the writings and deeds by 
which you hold the land, and let them be read in public, and ex- 
amined, that it may be fully known from what Indians you have 
bought the lands you hold; and how far your purchases extend; 
that copies of the whole may be laid before King George, and 
published to all the Provinces under his Government. What is 
fairly bought and paid for I make no further demand about. But 
if any lands have been bought of Indians to whom these lands 
did not belong, and who had no right to sell them, I expect a 
satisfaction for those lands; and if the Proprietors have taken in 
more lands than they bought of true owners, I expect likewise to 
be paid for that." 

Teedyuscung Requests Benefits of Civilization 

Said Teedyuscung, further, at this conference: "We [the Dela- 
wares] intend to settle at Wyoming, and we want to have certain 


boundaries fixed between you and us, and a certain tract of land 
fixed which it shall not be lawful for us or our children ever to sell, 
nor for you or any of your children ever to buy . . . To build 
different houses from what we have done before, such as may last 
not only for a little time, but for our children after us; we desire 
you will assist us in making our settlements, and send us persons 
to instruct us in building houses and making such necessaries as 
shall be needed, and that persons be sent to instruct us in the 
Christian religion, and to instruct our children in reading and 
writing, and that a fair trade be established between us, and such 
persons appointed to conduct and manage these affairs as shall be 
agreeable to us." 

Walton's Account of the Council 

The remaining matters taken up at this great conference are 
thus succinctly set forth by J. S. Walton, in his "Conrad Weiser 
and the Indian Policy of Pennsylvania": 

"Teedyuscung then asked that the territory of Wyoming be 
reserved to the Indians forever. That it might be surveyed and 
a deed given to the Indians, that they might have something to 
show when it became necessary to drive the white men away. 
After these charges [concerning fraudulent land purchases] were 
again made the Governor called Croghan and Weiser together to 
know what was the best thing to do. Each of these men with his 
large share of experience in Indian affairs agreed in the opinion 
that some outside influence had induced Teedyuscung to revive 
these charges. They also united in the opinion that the Indians 
merely wanted a glimpse of the old deeds, and would be satisfied 
with a cursory examination of the signatures. 

"Upon these assertions the Governor and Council were induced 
to grant Teedyuscung's request and to show him the deeds of 
1736 and 1737 from the Delawares, and of 1749 from the Iroquois. 
When the Governor applied to Mr. Peters for the papers and 
deeds they were again refused. Peters declared that he held them 
as a sacred trust from the Proprietors and would neither surrender 
them nor permit himself to be placed under oath and give testi- 
mony. These two things could only be done, he insisted, in the 
presence of Sir William Johnson, before whom as a final abritrator, 
the Proprietors desired that these charges should be laid. James 
Logan immediately opposed Richard Peters. He insisted that all 
deeds relating to lands which the Indians claimed were fraudu- 
lently purchased, should be shown. To refuse this would be un- 


just to the Indians and dangerous to the cause of peace. Logan 
explained that the Proprietary instructions should not be too 
literally construed and obeyed. The Indians were opposed to 
having their case settled before Sir William Johnson. After an 
animated discussion in council it was reluctantly agreed that the 
deeds should be shown. The Council only consented to this after 
Conrad Weiser had assured them that Teedyuscung did not insist 
upon seeing all the deeds, but only those pertaining to the back 
lands. R. Peters again protested, but was overruled. The deeds 
were laid on the table August 3, 1757. 

"Charles Thomson, at Teedyuscung's request, copied these 
deeds. The chief said he would have preferred to have seen the 
deeds of confirmation given to Governor Keith in 1718, but the 
great work of peace was superior to the land dispute, and if the 
Proprietors would make satsfaction for the lands which had been 
fradulently secured, he would return the English prisoners held 
captive among the Indians. The peace belt was then grasped by 
the Governor and Teedyuscung, and the two years' struggle for 
peace was crowned with victory. After much feasting and danc- 
ing, drinking and burning of bonfires the treaty closed. 

"Teedyuscung promised to fight for the English on condition 
that his men should not be commanded by white captains. The 
Governor and his party returned to Philadelphia, deeply worried 
over the publicity of the Indian charges of fraud which had occur- 
red at the Easton conference. Peace to the Proprietors was dearly 
purchased, if the people of the Province were confirmed in their 
belief that the Indian outrages had been caused by fraud in land 

For a full account of the third conference or treaty with Teedy- 
uscung at Easton — a treaty of peace between Pennsylvania and 
the Delawares and Shawnees of the Susquehanna, leaving the 
Delawares and Shawnees of the Ohio and Allegheny yet to be 
won over from the French — the reader is referred to Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 7, pages 649 to 714. 

The council ended on Sunday, August 7th. Governor Denny 
then returned to Philadelphia realizing that two things were im- 
perative. One was to disprove Teedyuscung's charge of fraud, in 
order to remove from the Proprietaries of the Colony the respon- 
sibility for the hostility of the Delawares and Shawnees; the other 
was to make peace with the Indians of the valleys of the Ohio and 
Allegheny, in order that the expedition of General Forbes, then 
planned, might be a success. The Governor was very apprehen- 


sive that, on account of the allegiance of the Western Indians with 
the French, the proposed expedition of General Forbes would 
meet with the same fate as the expedition of the ill-fated Brad- 
dock in the summer of 1755. Besides, unless the hostile Indians 
of the Ohio and Allegheny could be persuaded to sever their 
allegiance with the French, there was little chance of ending the 
barbarous raids which they were making on the frontier settle- 
ments. How these Western Indians were induced by the Mor- 
avian missionary. Christian Frederick Post, to sever their allegi- 
ance with the French, will be told in a subsequent chapter. 

Chief Tatemy and his Son, William 

Mention has been made, in a former chapter, that the Delaware 
chief, Tatemy, or Titami, after petitioning the Colonial Autho- 
rities, in November, 1742, and evidently obtaining the consent of 
the Iroquois, was permitted to reside on his tract of land, near 
Stockertown, Northampton County, after the other Delawares 
of the Munsee Clan had removed from the bounds of the Walking 
Purchase. This chief, who had been baptized by the missionary. 
Rev. David Brainerd, on July 21st, 1746, and given the name of 
Moses Fonday Tatemy, was closely associated with Teedy- 
uscung in the attempt to win back the Delawares to friendly 
relations with the Province, and acted as interpreter at the various 
councils at Easton. He was also sent on important missions with 
Isaac Still and others, and interpreted at several conferences at 
Philadelphia. He died about 1761. A town in Northampton 
County perpetuates the name of this noted chief. 

When Teedyuscung and his party of more than 200 Indians 
were on their way to the Easton Council of July and August, 
1757, Tatemy's son, William, who had strayed from the main 
body, was mortally wounded by a fifteen year old Irish boy. This 
wanton act threatened to break up the peace negotiations, and it 
was feared that the Delawares, angered by the outrage, would 
take revenge. Teedyuscung demanded, at the council, that, if 
young Tatemy should die, the Irish boy who shot him, should be 
tried and punished, according to law, before a deputation of In- 
dians. Governor Denny replied, expressing his sorrow to the 
father, and promised that the boy should be punished. Young 
Tatemy was taken to the house of a farmer, named John Jones, 
near Bethlehem, where he was attended by Dr. John Matthew 
Otto. However, in spite of all that medical skill could do for 


him, the unfortunate Indian, after suffering for more than a 
month, died on August 1st. The gentle Moravian missionaries 
soothed his dying hours with their kind ministrations. At 
Bethlehem, in the presence of more than 200 Indians, Rev. 
Jacob Rogers conducting the funeral services, the friendly young 
Delaware, with marble face upturned to the glorious summer sky, 
was laid away from sight until the heavens be no more. 

We shall now narrate the principal atrocities, committed by 
the Delawares and Shawnees in 1757. 

Atrocities in Monroe County 

On March 25th, the Delawares made an incursion into Monroe 
County, killing Sergeant Leonard Den within two miles of Fort 
Dupui. This was followed by another on April 20th, spreading 
terror, devastation and death in this region. On this day, Andreas 
(Casper) Gundryman was killed within sight of Fort Hamilton, 
while bringing fire wood to his father's house, near the fort. 
Michael Roup, an inhabitant of Smithfield Township, Monroe 
County, made the following affidavit before William Parsons, at 
Easton, on April 24th, describing some of the murders committed 
during this incursion : 

"That, on Friday morning last, John Lefever, passing the 
houses of Philip Bozart and this deponent [Roup] informed them 
that the Indians had murdered Casper Gundryman last Wednes- 
day evening, whereupon this deponent went immediately to the 
house of Philip Bozart to consult what was best to be done, their 
houses being about half a mile apart. That they concluded it 
best for the neighbours to collect themselves together, as many 
as they could, in some one house. That he immediately re- 
turned home and loaded his wagon as fast as he could with his 
most valuable effects, which he carried to Bozart's house. That 
as soon as he unloaded his wagon, he drove to his son-in-law, 
Peter Soan's house, about two miles, and loaded as much of his 
effects as the time and hurry would admit, and took them also 
to Bozart's, where nine families were retired. That a great num- 
ber of the inhabitants also retired to the houses of Conrad Bitten- 
bender and John McDowell. That Bozart's house is seven miles 
from Fort Hamilton and twelve miles from Fort Norris. That 
yesterday morning, about nine o'clock, the said Peter Soan and 
Christian Klein with his daughter about thirteen years of age 
went from Bozart's house to the house of the said Klein and thence 


to Soan's house to look after their cattle and bring off more 
effects. That about half an hour after these three persons had 
gone from Bozart's house, a certain George Hartleib, who also 
fled with his family to Bozart's and who had been at his own 
house about a mile from Soan's to look after creatures and to 
bring away what he could, returned to Bozart's and reported 
that he had heard three guns fired very quickly one after another 
towards Soan's place, which made them all conclude that the 
above three persons were killed by the Indians. That the little 
company was afraid to venture to go and see what happened that 
day, as they had many women and children to take care of, who, 
if they had left, might have fallen an easy prey to the enemy. 
That this morning, nine men of the neighbourhood armed them- 
selves as well as they could, and went towards Peter Soan's 
house, in order to discover what was become of the above three 
persons. That when they came within three hundred yards of 
the house, they found the bodies of the said Soan and Klein about 
twenty feet from each other, killed and scalped, but did not find 
Klein's daughter. Soan was killed by a bullet which entered the 
upper part of his back and came out at his breast. Klein was 
killed with their tomahawks. The nine men immediately re- 
turned to Bozart's and reported as above. That this deponent 
was not one of the nine, but that he remained at Bozart's with 
the women and children. That the rest of the people desired this 
deponent to come to Easton and acquaint the Justice with what 
had happened. That the nine men did not think it safe to bury 
the dead." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 492 to 494.) 

On June 20th, 1757, George Ebert, who was captured in this 
same incursion, made an affidavit at Easton, in which he said 
that Conrad Bittenbender, Jacob Roth, and John Nolf were 
killed and Peter Sheaffer was captured in this incursion, adding 
that "they [the Indians] immediately set off; that on the evening 
of the second day they fell in with another Company of about 
Twenty-four Indians, who had Abraham Miller, with his Mother, 
and Adam Snell's Daughter, Prisoners; that on their way on this 
Side of Diahogo they saw Klein's Daughter, who had been taken 
Prisoner about a week before this deponent was taken; that a 
Day's Journey beyond Diahogo, they came to some French In- 
dian Cabbins, where they saw another Prisoner, a girl about 
Eight or nine Years old, who told this deponent that her name 
was Catherine Yager, that her father was a Lock Smith and lived 
at Allemangle, and that she had been a Prisoner ever since 


Christmas." Ebert also stated in his affidavit that the Indians 
killed Abraham Miller's mother when she became unable to 
travel further, on account of weakness, likewise Snell's daughter, 
"who had received a Wound in her Leg by a Fall when they first 
took her Prisoner." At the "French Indian Cabbins," both 
George Ebert, the deponent, and Abraham Miller made their 
escape. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, pages 620 and 621.) 

Shortly after the capture of George Ebert and the murder of 
Bittenbender, Roth and Nolf, the Indians killed a certain Mrs. 
Marshall near the same place. On June 23l1, of this year (1757), 
a large body of Indians attacked and burned the home of Broad- 
head in sight of Fort Hamilton, killing and scalping a man named 
John Tidd. During the same month, also, Peter Geisinger was 
shot and scalped while plowing in his field between Fort Henry 
and Fort Northkill, and Adam Drum was killed in AUemangle. 

Murder of John Spitler and Barnabas Tolon 

On May 16th, John Spitler while fixing up a pair of bars on 
his farm a few miles from Stumpton, was shot and his body cruelly 
mangled. His body was buried in the graveyard at Hebron, near 
Lebanon. The following account of his murder and burial is 
contained in the records of the Hebron church: 

"1757, May den 16, wurde Johannes Spitler, Jr. ohnweit von 
seinem Hause, an der Schwatara von moerderischen Indianern 
ueberfallen und ermordert. Er war im acht unddreisigsten Jahr 
seines Alters, und verwichenes Jahr im April, an der Schwatara 
aufgenommen. Seine uebelzugerichtette Leiche wurde den 17ten 
May hieher gebracht, und bei einer grossen Menge Leute begleitet 
auf unsern hiesigen Gottesacker beerdigt." 

The following is the translation of the record: 

"On the 16th of May, 1757, John Spitler, Jr. was fallen upon 
and murdered by savage Indians not far from his house on the 
Swatara. He was in the thirty-eighth year of his age, and had 
taken up his residence on the Swatara in April of the preceding 
year. His badly mangled body was brought here on the 17th of 
May, accompanied by a large concourse of people, and buried in 
the graveyard of this place." 

The Lancaster Council, described earlier in this chapter, was in 
session at the time of these atrocities. In its minutes, under date 
of May 18th, we read: "This day four persons that were killed 


on the frontiers, in the settlement of Swatara, were brought to 
this town." (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 7, page 538.) 

On May 22nd, Barnabus Tolon was killed and scalped in Han- 
over Township, Lebanon County. "We are," says the editor of 
the Pennsylvania Gazette, "well informed that 123 persons have 
been murdered and carried off from that part of Lancaster 
[Lebanon] County by Indians since the war commenced, and that 
lately three have been scalped and are yet living." 

Other atrocities were committed in this neighborhood during 
the summer of 1757, thus referred to in the "Frontier Forts of 

"A correspondent from this township Hanover of the Pennsyl- 
vania Gazette, says in its issue of May, 1757, that the house of 
Isaac Snevely was set on fire and entirely consumed, with eighteen 
horses and cows, and that, on May 17th, five men and a woman 
were killed and scalped about thirty miles from Lancaster. In 
another letter, dated August 11th, it is stated that, on Monday 
the 8th, George Mauerer was killed and scalped whilst cutting 
oats in George Scheffer's field." 

Massacre on Quitapahilla Creek 

"Londonderry Township (Lebanon County) being more 
towards the interior, was not so much exposed to the depredations 
of the savages as those on the northern frontiers. Nevertheless, in 
the more sparsely settled parts they committed various murders. 
June 19, 1757, nineteen persons were killed in a mill on the Quita- 
pahilla Creek, and on the 9th of September, 1757, one boy and a 
girl were taken from Donegal Township, a few miles south of 
Derry. About the same time, one Danner and his son Christian, 
a lad of twelve years, had gone into the Conewago hills to cut 
down trees; after felling one, and while the father was cutting a 
log, he was shot and scalped by an Indian, and Christian, the son, 
taken captive into Canada, where he remained until the close of 
the war when he made his escape. Another young lad, named 
Steger, was surprised by three Indians and taken captive whilst 
cutting hoop-poles, but, fortunately, after remaining with the 
Indians some months made his escape." — (Frontier Forts of 

Murder of Adam Trump 

On June 22nd occurred the murder of Adam Trump, in Albany 
Township, Berks County, thus referred to in a letter of James 
Read, from Reading, on June 25th: 


"Last night Jacob Levan, Esq., of Maxatawney, came to see 
me and showed me a letter of the 22d inst. from Lieutenant Engel, 
dated in Allemangel, by which he advised Mr. Levan of the mur- 
der of one Adam Trump in Allemangel, by Indians, that evening, 
and that they had taken Trump's wife and his son, a lad nineteen 
years old, prisoners; but the woman escaped, though upon her 
flying, she was so closely pursued by one of the Indians, (of which 
there were seven) that he threw his tomahawk at her, and cut her 
badly in the neck, but 'tis hoped not dangerously. This murder 
happened in as great a thunderstorm as has happened for twenty 
years past; which extended itself over a great part of this and 
Northampton Counties. * * * * 

"I had almost forgot to mention (but I am so hurried just 
now, 'tis no wonder), that the Indians after scalping Adam Trump 
left a knife, and a halbert, or a spear, fixed to a pole of four feet, 
in his body." 

Other Atrocities East of the Susquehanna 

About the middle of May, 1757, a boy was killed and scalped, 
and another who had small-pox was dangerously wounded, about 
one half mile from Fort Northkill. The Indians did not scalp the 
wounded boy for fear of infection. Four persons were killed and 
four captured near this fort, about October 1st, 1757. 

On June 22nd, 1757, as already narrated, Peter Geisinger was 
killed and scalped by Indians in the vicinity of Fort Northkill. 
On the following day, a girl about fifteen years old, a daughter of 
Balser Smith, was captured by two Indians, near the same 
neighborhood. On June 29th, in the vicinity of this fort, 
Frederick Myers and his wife were killed and scalped. Three of 
Myers' children, a boy aged ten years, a girl aged eight years, 
and a boy aged six years were captured, while another child, aged 
one and one half years, was scalped, but was alive when some 
scouts from Fort Northkill found it late that afternoon. It was 
lying in a ditch crying, with the water just up to its mouth. 
("Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania," Vol. 1, pages 108 and 110.) 

The Pennsylvania Gaze/Ze of July, 1757, contains a letter written 
from Heidelberg, Berks County, on July 9th, as follows: 

"Yesterday, about three o'clock in the afternoon, between Val- 
entine Herchelroar's and Tobias Bickell's, four Indians killed two 
children. They, at the same time, scalped a young woman of 
about sixteen; but, with proper care, she is likely to live and do 


"A woman was terribly cut with a tomahawk, but not scalped. 
Her life is despaired of. Three children were carried off prisoners. 
One Christian Schrenk's wife being among the rest, bravely 
defended herself and children for a while, wrestling the gun out of 
the Indian's hands, who assaulted her, also his tomahawk, and 
threw them away, and afterwards was obliged to save her own 
life. Two of her children were taken captive in the meantime. 
In this house were also twenty women and children who had fled 
from their own habitations to take shelter. The men belonging 
to them were about one half mile off, picking cherries. They came 
as quickly as possible, and went in pursuit of the Indians, but to 
no purpose. The Indians had concealed themselves." 

Lieutenant Jacob Wetterhold, in a letter written from Lynn 
Township, Lehigh County, to Major William Parsons at Easton, 
on July 9th, 1757, describes an atrocity which took place that 
day in Lynn Township. This letter, recorded in Penna. Archives, 
Vol. 3, page 211, is quoted verbatim, except as to spelling: 

"These are to acquaint you of a murder happened this day at 
the house of Adam Clauce, in said Township of Lynn, where three 
or four neighbors was cutting said man's corn; as they was eating 
their dinner, they were fell upon by a party of savages, Indians, 
and five of the whites took to their heels, two men, two women and 
one girl, and got safe out of their hands. Was killed and scalped, 
Martin Yager and his wife, and John Croushores, wife and one 
child, and the wife of Abraham Secies, and one child of one Adam 
Clouce, and the wife of John Croushore, and the wife of Abram 
Secies was scalped and is yet alive, but badly wounded, one shot 
through the side and the other in the thigh, and two children 
killed belonging to said Croushore, and one to said Secies, and 
one belonging to Philip Antone not scalped, and this was done at 
least three miles within the outside settlers and four miles from 
John Everett's, and Philip Antone's wife was one that took her 
Tilit [?], and came home and acquainted her husband, and he 
came and acquainted me, and I immediately went to the place 
with seven men, besides myself, and saw the murder, but the 
Indians was gone, and I directly pursued them about four miles 
and came up with them in the thick groves where we met with 
nine Indians, and one sprung behind a tree, and took sight at me, 
and I run direct at him, and another one flashed at me, and then 
both took to their heels, and I shot one through the body, as he 
fell on his face, but I loaded and after another that was leading a 


mare, and in the meantime he got up and ran away, and I fired 
one the other, and, I think, shot him." 

Lieutenant Wetterhold's letter is not very clear as to the num- 
ber killed by the Indians on this occasion. However, Conrad 
Weiser, writing Governor Denny, from Easton, on July 15th, 
mentions this atrocity, and says that ten were killed. (Penna. 
Archives, Vol. 3, page 218.) 

Loudon says that, on August 27th, "one, Beatty, was killed in 
Paxton." On Sunday, August 21st, according to the Pennsylvania 
Gazette of September 1st, 1757, Indians burned the house and 
barn of Peter Semelcke, within two miles of Fort Lebanon, and 
carried off three of his children, Mr. Semelcke, his wife and one 
child being away from home at the time. About the same time 
Peter Wampler's four children were carried off from Lebanon 
Township, Lebanon County, as they were going to the meadow 
for a load of hay. About the same time, also, some settlers in 
Berne Township, Berks County, were murdered. On September 
27th, four persons were killed and four captured near Fort North- 
kill. The Pennsylvania Gazette of October 27th says that, on 
October 17th, Alexander Watt and John McKennet were killed 
and scalped as they were cutting corn, near Fort Hunter, and 
that some soldiers of the Augusta Regiment, coming down from 
Fort Halifax, met the murderers and had a skirmish with them. 
On November 25th, Thomas Robinson and a son of Thomas Bell 
were killed, in the Swatara region. In August, John Winkelbach's 
two sons and Joseph Fischbach were fired upon while bringing 
in their cows at sunrise, in Lebanon County. Both Winkelbach 
boys were killed, and Fischbach was badly wounded. About the 
same time, Leonard Long's son was killed and scalped while 
plowing in his father's field, and Isaac Williams' wife was killed, 
both these murders taking place in Lebanon County. 

The Mackey Atrocity 

During one of the incursions into Dauphin County, in the 
summer of 1757, Elizabeth Dickey, her child, and the wife of 
Samuel Young were captured. On the same day a Mr, Barnett 
and a Mr. Mackey were at work on the former's farm near 
Manada Creek, when news reached them that their families were 
murdered in the block house nearby. They at once started for the 
scene of horror, but had not gone far until they were ambushed by 
a party of Indians who killed Mackey and severely wounded 


Barnett who, nevertheless, was able to escape, owing to the swift- 
ness of his horse. He concealed himself until the Indians left the 
neighborhood the next day, when he learned that his family was 
safe with the exception of his son, William, aged nine, whom the 
Indians had captured, together with Mackey's son about the same 
age. The Indians proceeded westward with the two little boys. 
Upon learning that one of the boys was the son of Mackey, whom 
they had just killed, they forced him to stretch his father's scalp. 
For a time, the little Mackey boy carried his father's scalp, which 
he would often stroke with his little hand, and say, "My father's 
pretty hair." 

Mr. Barnett at length recovered from his wound. In the hope 
of recovering his son, he accompanied George Croghan to Fort 
Pitt, and attended the council which Croghan, Colonel Hugh 
Mercer, Captain William Trent, and Captain Thomas McKee 
held with the Shawnees, Delawares, and other Indians at that 
place on July 5th, 1759. One day during his stay at the fort, he 
wished to get a drink of water from Grant's Spring, above the fort, 
so named from the defeat of Major James Grant at that place in 
the preceding September. He had proceeded only a short dis- 
tance, when something told him to turn back. At the same instant, 
he heard the report of a rifle, and looking towards the spring, saw 
the smoke of the rifle and an Indian scalping a soldier, who had 
gone to the spring for a drink. 

Mr. Barnett returned home without recovering his son, but 
Croghan promised to use every endeavor to obtain the child. At 
length the boy was brought to Fort Pitt, but so great was his in- 
clination to return to the Indians that it was necessary to guard 
him closely until there would be an opportunity to send him to 
his father. On one occasion, he jumped into a canoe, and was 
half way across the Allegheny River before he was observed. 
Quick pursuit followed; but he reached the other side and hid in 
the bushes, where it took a search of several hours to find him. 
Soon thereafter, he was sent to Carlisle, where the father received 
him with tears of joy, and took him home to the arms of the 
mother. During his captivity, the Indians frequently broke the 
ice on rivers and creeks, and dipped him in "to make him hardy." 
This treatment impaired his constitution. He sank into the 
grave in early manhood, leaving a wife and daughter. Shortly 
thereafter, the mother died. Then Mr. Barnett, the elder, re- 
moved to Allegheny County, where he died at the great age of 


eighty-two years. His dust reposes in the church yard of Leb- 
anon, Mifflin Township, Allegheny County. 

But, to return to the Mackey boy. The Indians gave this 
child to the French, and at the close of the French and Indian 
War, he passed into the hands of the English, was taken to Eng- 
land, and later, became a soldier in the British army, and was 
sent to America during the Revolutionary War. He procured a 
furlough, and sought out his widowed mother, who had mourned 
him as dead. As he stood before her in the strength of robust 
manhood, she was unable to see in him any trace of her long lost 
boy. "If you are my son," said she, "you have a mark upon your 
knee that I will know." He then exposed his knee to her view; 
whereupon she threw her arms around his neck in unrestrained 
joy. He never returned to the British army, but remained with 
his mother to the end of her days, often meeting William Barnett, 
and recounting with him their experiences while captives among 
the Indians. 

Atrocities in Cumberland and Franklin Counties 

Egle, in his "History of Pennsylvania," in the chapter on 
Cumberland County, relates the following atrocities that were 
perpetrated by the Indians, in this county, during the summer of 

"In the spring and summer of 1757, the Indians invaded East 
Pennsboro. On May 13th, 1757, William Walker and another 
man were killed near McCormick's Fort, at Conodoguinet. In 
July of the same year, four persons were killed near Tobias 
Hendricks' . . . Companies of rangers scoured, in the summer of 
1757, the country between the Conodoguinet Creek and the Blue 
Mountain, from the Susquehanna westward as far as Shippens- 
burg, to route the savages who usually lurked in small parties, 
stealing through the woods and over fields to surprise laborers, 
to attack men, women and children in the 'light of day and dead 
of night,' murdered all indiscriminately whom they had sur- 
prised, fired houses and barns, abducted women and children. 
On July 18, 1757, six men were killed or taken away near Ship- 
pensburg, while reaping in John Cesney's field. The savages 
murdered John Kirkpatrick, Dennis Oneidan; captured John 
Cesney, three of his grandsons, and one of John Kirkpatrick's 
children. The day following, not far from Shippensburg, in 
Joseph Stevenson's harvest field, the savages butchered inhu- 


manely Joseph Mitchell, James Mitchell, William Mitchell, John 
Finlay, Robert Stevenson, Andrew Enslow, John Wiley, Allen 
Henderson and William Gibson, carrying off Jane McCammon, 
Mary Minor, Janet Harper and a son of John Finlay. July 27, 
Mr, McKisson was wounded, and his son taken from the South 
Mountain. A letter, dated Carlisle, September 5, 1757, says 
three persons were killed by the Indians, six miles from Carlisle, 
and two persons about two miles from Silver's old place." 

The list of those murdered in John Cesney's field is also given 
on page 219 of Vol. 3, of the Penna. Archives, where it is stated 
that the tragedy took place about seven miles from Shippensburg, 
and that, "these people refused to join with their neighbors who 
had a guard appointed them, because they couldn't have their 
fields reaped the first." 

Says Egle, in his "History of Pennsylvania," in the chapter on 
Franklin County: 

"The following are the names of persons killed and taken cap- 
tive on the Conococheague : on the 23d of April, 1757, John Mar- 
tin and William Blair were killed, and Patrick McClelland 
wounded, who died of his wounds, near Maxwell's Fort; May 12th 
John Martin and Andrew Paul, both old men, were captured; 
June 24th, Alexander Miller was killed and two of his daughters, 
from Conococheague; July 27th, Mr. McKisson was wounded, 
and his two sons were captured, at the South Mountain; August 
15th, William Manson and his son were killed near Cross' Fort; 
September 26th, Robert Rush and John McCracken, with others, 
were killed and taken captive, near Chambersburg." It will be 
noted that Dr. Egle mentions Mr. McKisson in both the chapter 
on Cumberland County and the chapter on Franklin County. 

Loudon, in his "Indian Narratives," gives a list of atrocities 
that took place in 1757, the list being compiled by John McCul- 
lough whose captivity we have narrated in a former chapter. 
The list includes many already narrated in this chapter, as well 
as the following: 

"March 29th, the Indians took one person from the South 
Mountain. May 16th, eleven persons killed at Paxton, by the 
Indians. June 6th, two men killed and five taken, near Shippens- 
burg. June 9th, four men killed in Sherman's Valley, June 17th, 
one man killed at Cuthbertson's Fort; four men shot at the Indian 
while scalping the man. June 24th, Alexander Miller killed and 
two of his daughters taken from Conococheague, and Gerhart 
Pendergras' daughters killed at Fort Littleton. (See Pa. Col. 


Rec, Vol. 7, page 632.) July 2nd, one woman and four children 
taken from Trent's Gap; same day one, Springson, killed, near 
Logan's Mill, Conococheague. July 9th, Trooper Wilson's son 
killed at Antietam Creek. July 10th, ten soldiers killed at 
Clapham's Fort. August 19th, one man killed, near Harris 
Ferry. September 2nd, one man killed near Digger's Gap, and 
one Indian killed. August 19th, fourteen people killed and taken 
from Mr. Cinky's congregation. On July 8th, two boys were 
taken from Cross' Fort in Conococheague." 

One or more of the above murders probably took place within 
the limits of the state of Maryland. 

The Eckerlin Tragedy 

A few years prior to the French and Indian War, the three 
Eckerlin (Eckerling) brothers, Samuel, Israel and Gabriel, who 
were Pennsylvania-German mystics, settled near the mouth of a 
stream flowing into the Monongahela in the southeastern part 
of Green County, since known as Dunkard Creek from the fact 
that the Eckerlin brothers and their associates who formed the 
settlement, were German Baptists, or Dunkards. They had 
come from Ephrata, in Lancaster County. For several years the 
brothers lived in their new home in the western wilderness, in the 
midst of the Delaware Indians, and at peace with the world. 
Understanding the French language, they soon learned that the 
French were coming into the Ohio Valley and making prepara- 
tions to assert their claim with force of arms; but the brothers 
gave no thought to the preparations for war on the part of the 
French, inasmuch as they (the brothers) felt that they were safe, 
being much beloved by the Indians. Samuel had a knowledge of 
medicine and surgery, and often ministered to his Indian neigh- 
bors in times of illness. On account of this, he was known as 
"Doctor Eckerlin." As the Indian troubles increased, the 
friendly Delawares advised them to remove to a safer position 
on the Cheat River, as their settlement near the mouth of 
Dunkard Creek was directly on the line of the old Catawba War 
Trail. Accordingly the brothers removed to a place since called 
Dunker's Bottom, near the mouth of the Cheat River, a few miles 
from their first settlement. 

Late in August, 1757, Samuel started on one of his trading 
trips to Winchester, Virginia, after the harvest had been gathered. 
Upon his return, he was stopped at Port Pleasant, on the South 


Branch, where he was accused of being a spy and in confederacy 
with the Indians. In vain he protested his innocence, and it was 
not until he appealed to the Governor that he was allowed to 
start on his homeward journey, accompanied by a squad of 
soldiers, who were ordered to follow him to his home on the 
Cheat River. 

When Samuel and the soldiers were within a day's march of the 
Dunker settlement, a party of Indians led by a French priest, 
attacked the other brothers and their companions. Israel, who 
had absolute faith in divine protection, would neither defend 
himself nor attempt to escape, and he, Gabriel and a servant 
named Schilling were captured. The other members of the 
household were killed and scalped, and the cabins were pilfered 
and burned. The two brothers and Schilling were taken to Fort 
Duquesne, where the Indians scalped Gabriel. Schilling was 
kept by the Indians as their slave, while Gabriel and Israel were 
later taken to Montreal, and thence to Quebec. What eventu- 
ally became of the two brothers, is not definitely known. One 
report says they were carried to France, where they died as 
prisoners, while another report says they died at sea. 

It was not until seven years after their capture that definite 
rumors reached Ephrata as to the fate of the brothers. Samuel, 
who, upon his return to the settlement on the Cheat River, found 
the ashes of the cabins, the half-decaying bodies of the Dunkers, 
and the hoops on which their scalps had been dried, once wrote a 
letter of inquiry to Benjamin Franklin, who was then in France. 
This letter is among the Franklin correspondence now in the pos- 
session of the American Philosophical Society. 

George Croghan, in the journal of his journey to Logstown, in 
the spring of 1751, says, under date of May 25th, that "a Dunkar 
from the Colony of Virginia came to the Logs Town, and re- 
quested Liberty of the Six Nation Chiefs to make [a settlement] 
on the River Yough-yo-gaine, a branch of Ohio." This Dunkar 
(Dunker) was doubtless Samuel Eckerlin. For the details of the 
Eckerlin tragedy, the reader is referred to Dr. Julius F. Sachse's 
"German Sectarians of Pennsylvania," also to Captain H. M. M. 
Richards* "Pennsylvania-Germans in the French and Indian 
War," Vol. XV of the Publications of the Pennsylvania-German 


The year 1757 was one full of horrors on the Pennsylvania 
frontier, yet it witnessed the bringing about of peace between the 


Province and the Eastern Delawares and Shawnees. It also 
witnessed the recalling of Lord Loudon as commander-in-chief of 
the British forces in America and the appointment of Major- 
General James Abercrombie in his place. This change in supreme 
commanders was made by William Pitt soon after he assumed the 
office of Prime Minister of Great Britain; and, on December 
30th, he wrote Governor Denny, giving him notice of the appoint- 
ment of General Abercrombie. This letter Governor Denny 
received on March 7th, 1758. 

In 1757, also, upon a report that French and Indians from 
the Ohio were on their way over the Indian trail along the West 
Branch of the Susquehanna to attack Fort Augusta, Colonel 
Burd sent a detachment under the command of Captain Patterson 
to scout as far as the town of Chlnklacamoose (Clearfield). The 
detachment soon returned, having met with no Indians. Captain 
Patterson's men found Chlnklacamoose burned and unoccupied. 
(Pa. Archives, Sec. Ser., Vol. 2, page 777). 

During 1757, only fragmentary news was received from time 
to time from Indian scouts and captured hostile Indians as to 
the strength of the garrison at Fort Duquesne. One of these 
reports placed the strength of the garrison as only two hundred, 
during the first months of the year. (Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, page 
147.) Another placed it as high as six hundred, in the month of 
June, Captain Lignery being the Commander. Other reports, 
coming from the Ohio and Allegheny during this year, were to 
the effect that many Shawnees in these valleys were moving to 
the mouth of the Scioto and that many Delawares were moving 
up the Allegheny towards the Seneca habitat: also that the 
Western Delawares would be willing to make peace with the 
English if the latter would send a sufficiently strong expedition 
to capture Fort Duquesne. The year, 1758, saw both these 
things accomplished. 


Post's Peace Missions — Grand 
Council at Easton 


MAJOR-General James Abercrombie having been ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief of all the British forces in 
America, three expeditions were planned for the year 1758. (1) 
Generals Amherst and Wolf were to join with Admiral Boscawen's 
fleet for the recapture of Louisburg. (2) General Abercrombie, 
with Lord Howe as real leader, was to move against Ticonderoga 
and Crown Point. (3) Brigadier-General John Forbes was placed 
in command of an expedition against Fort Duquesne. We shall 
not discuss the first two expeditions in this history, but shall 
treat the expedition of General Forbes in the following chapter. 
In the meantime, while Forbes' forces were assembling and later 
marching over the mountains against Fort Duquesne, other im- 
portant events were taking place, which claim our attention in 
the present chapter. 

Post's Missions to Teedyuscung 

Teedyuscung came to Philadelphia on March 13th, 1758, and 
advised Governor Denny and the Provincial Council that, in 
compliance with his promise at the third Easton conference of 
July and August, 1757, he had given the "Big Peace Halloo," and 
had secured the alliance of eight nations of the Western Indians, 
who had taken hold of the peace belt, in addition of the ten for 
whom he had spoken at the Easton treaty. Among these eight 
nations were the Ottawas, Twightwees and Chippewas. The 
calumet which these new allies sent to Teedyuscung was smoked 
by Teedyuscung, the Governor, and members of the Provincial 
Council and Assembly during the councils which followed Teedy- 
uscung's arrival. 

During the conferences that attended the above visit of Teedy- 
uscung to the Governor and Provincial Council, the old chief 
urged that the Provincial Authorities should not neglect the op- 


portunity to do everything possible to strengthen the alHance 
with the eight western nations who had agreed to his peace pro- 
posal. He urged that a messenger should be sent to his friends 
on the Ohio, warning them to sever their allegiance with the 
French. He said: "I have received every encouragement from 
the Indian nations. Now, brother, press on with all your might 
in promoting the good work we are engaged in. Let us beg the 
God that made us to bless our endeavours, and I am sure if you 
assert yourselves, God will grant a blessing, and we shall live." 

Governor Denny then, on March 24th, instructed Teedyuscung 
to see that the peace belt and calumet pipe were carried to the 
Western Indians, especially the Delawares and Shawnees on the 
Ohio. Teedyuscung then appointed five Indians, led by his son, 
Hans Jacob, to carry the peace message to the Ohio. 

At this time, the Cherokees were coming to join the expedition 
of General Forbes against Fort Duquesne, much to the displeasure 
of the friendly Delawares and Shawnees; and Teedyuscung, dur- 
ing the above conferences, requested that a messenger be sent to 
stop these Southern Indians from coming further. (Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 8, pages 29 to 56.) The friendly Shawnee chief, Paxinosa, 
of Wyoming, was especially wrought up over the presence of the 
Cherokees at Carlisle, Fort Littleton and other places, and 
threatened to leave Wyoming and join the French on the Ohio. 
Finally, on account of his fear of the Cherokees and Catawbas, he 
left for the Ohio early in May, saying he was going back to "Ohio 
where he was born." 

Fearing that the peace efforts would be frustrated by the 
actions of the wise and able Paxinosa, the Governor and General 
Forbes decided to send the Moravian missionary, Christian 
Frederick Post, on a mission to Wyoming to explain the situation 
concerning the Cherokees, and to request the Indians on the 
Susquehanna to call all friendly Indians east of the mountains 
while the General advanced against Fort Duquesne. Post and 
Charles Thompson left Philadelphia on June 7th, and arrived at 
Bethlehem on the following day, having engaged the friendly 
Delaware chief, Moses Tatemy, and the Moravian Delaware, 
Isaac Still, on the way, to accompany them to Wyoming. At 
Bethlehem, they engaged three other friendly Indians to accom- 
pany them. From that place they went to the Nescopeck Moun- 
tains, about fifteen miles from Wyoming, where they met a party 
of nine Indians on their way to Bethlehem, who warned them not 
to go to Wyoming, as the woods were full of strange Indians. It 


was then decided to go back to the east side of the mountain, and 
to send two messengers forward to invite Teedyuscung to meet 
them. The next day Teedyuscung came from his residence at 
Wyoming. Post complained to him that the path to Wyoming 
was closed, and that it was his (Teedyuscung's) business to keep 
it open. The Delaware "King" replied that the road had been 
closed by the Six Nations, explaining that a war party of about 
two hundred Senecas had recently passed through several towns 
on the Susquehanna to attack some Virginians who had treach- 
erously killed a party of Senecas three years previously, as they 
were going against the Catawbas. 

Post gained much valuable information from Teedyuscung as 
to the situation among the Indians on the Ohio. The old chief 
told him that his son, Hans Jacob, one of the five messengers he 
had sent to carry the peace message to the Ohio, had killed a 
French soldier a short distance from Fort Duquesne; that the 
commander of this fort then called the Senecas of the Ohio to- 
gether, and told them the Catawbas had killed the soldier, where- 
upon the Senecas told the commander that the Delawares com- 
mitted this deed; and that a heated argument then took place 
between the commander and the Senecas, in which the leader of 
the Senecas told the commander that "the English are coming 
up, and as soon as they strike you on the one side, I will strike 
you on the other." Many other reports from the Ohio were made 
to Post by Teedyuscung tending to show that the time was ripe 
for authoritative peace overtures to be made by Pennsylvania 
to the Indian allies of the French on the Ohio. Post and Thomp- 
son then returned to Philadelphia, on June 16th, and delivered 
the report of their journey. (Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, pages 412 
to 422.) 

On June 20th, a peace message and accompanying belts from 
the Cherokees to the Eastern Delawares were delivered to Gover- 
nor Denny. This message, coming from two of the principal 
chiefs of the Cherokees, assured the friendly Delawares that the 
Cherokees had no intention of harming the friendly Delawares or 
any other Indians in alliance with the English. It also contained 
the request that the Eastern Delawares should cause all friendly 
members of their tribe on the Ohio to come east of the mountains, 
so as not to be in danger of being harmed by the Cherokees in 
attacking the Indian allies of the French. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 
8, pages 135, 136.) 

Governor Denny deemed the peace message from the Cherokees 


so important that he decided to send the same at once to Teedy- 
uscung at Wyoming. Post was the messenger selected for this 
purpose, who set out for Wyoming over the same course that he 
had recently traveled, at which place he arrived on June 27th, 
and delivered the message to Teedyuscung. At Wyoming, Post 
met a number of chiefs from the Allegheny, to whom he explained 
all about the peace measures that were under way. An old 
sachem from the Allegheny, named Katuaikund, upon hearing 
the good news, "lifting up his hands to heaven wished that God 
would have mercy upon them, and would help them to bring 
them and the English together again, and to establish an ever- 
lasting ground foundation for peace among them. He wished 
further that God would move the Governor and the people's 
hearts toward them in love, peace, and union. . . He said further 
that it would be well if the Governor sent somebody with them 
at their return home, for it would be of great consequence to them 
who lived above Allegheny to hear from the Governor's mind 
from their own mouths." At Wyoming, Post learned that the 
garrison at Fort Duquesne consisted of about eleven hundred 
French, almost starved, who would have abandoned the fort, 
had not the Mohawks sent them assistance, and that the com- 
mander had recently said that, "if the English come too strong 
upon me, I will leave." Two of the messengers who had come 
from the Allegheny with news concerning the situation of the 
French, were Keekyuscung and Pisquetomen, the latter a brother 
of Shingas and King Beaver. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 8, pages 142 
to 145.) 

Post's First Mission to the Western Delawares 

Post then returned to Fort Allen (Weissport) on June 30th 
accompanied by fifty Indians. After the Governor heard his 
report and had talked with Pisquetomen and Keekyuscung, it 
was decided to send these two Indians to the Ohio, in order to 
gain information as to the situation among the Indians there, and 
to advise them of the peace measures. Post was requested to 
accompany these messengers, and he agreed to do so, if Charles 
Thomson were permitted to go with him. The Governor replied 
that "he might take any other person." Post then left Philadel- 
phia on July 15th, reaching Bethlehem on the 17th, at which 
place he made preparations for his journey to the Ohio. On the 
19th he reached Fort Allen (Weissport), where Teedyuscung tried 
to dissuade him from going on his dangerous mission. Post says: 


"He [Teedyuscung] was afraid I should never return, that the 
Indians would kill me." Post replied to Teedyuscung that he 
was obliged to go, even if he should lose his life. On the 22nd, 
when Post again prepared to set out, Teedyuscung again protested 
saying that he was afraid that the Indians would kill Post, or 
that the French would capture him. Post then made the final 
reply to Teedyuscung that he would go on this peace mission to 
the Ohio, even if he died in the undertaking, and that, if, un- 
happily, he should die before completing the mission, he hoped 
that his death would be the means of saving many hundreds of 
lives. Without further delay, he therefore set forth on his first 
mission to the Ohio, accompanied by Pisquetomen, Keekyus- 
cung and Shamokin Daniel. 

Before narrating Post's mission to the Western Delawares, we 
call attention, at this point, to the fact that no more suitable 
person could have been found in all the colonies for carrying the 
peace proposal to these Indians than the gentle and honest 
Moravian missionary. Weiser's influence was waning. He was 
an Iroquois at heart; Teedyuscung disliked him; he was a 
Colonel in the armed forces of the Province. Most of the Dela- 
wares and Shawnees disliked him. For these reasons, he was not 
the proper person to send on this important mission. Nor would 
George Croghan have been the proper person, at the time of 
which we are writing. He was a trader, bent on personal gain. 
But Post was not a military man. He had no selfish interest, and 
the Delawares knew this. Born in Germany, he came to America 
and labored as a Moravian missionary among the Delawares, 
being located for some time at Wyoming. He knew Shingas, 
King Beaver and all the important Delaware chiefs. The Dela- 
wares loved and trusted him. For years he had lived among them 
in all the intimacy of friends and companions. His first wife, 
Rachel, was a Delaware convert, whom he married in 1743, and 
who died at Bethlehem in 1747. In 1749, he chose as his second 
wife, Agnes, a dusky Daughter of the Delawares, who was bap- 
tized by Bishop Cammerhof on March 5th of that year and who 
died at Bethlehem in 1751. So that, in dealing with Post, the 
Delawares looked upon him as one of their own flesh and blood. 

We shall now follow Post on his journey to the Western Dela- 
wares. He arrived at Fort Augusta at Sunbury, on July 25th, 
having passed many devastated and deserted plantations on the 
way. From this point, he followed the trail the Delawares used 
in their first migration from the region of Sunbury to the Alle- 


gheny, mentioned in Chapter II, as far as a point near the town 
of Punxsutawney in the southern part of Jefferson County. Here 
the trail branched, one branch leading in a north-western direc- 
tion across Jefferson, Clarion and Venango Counties to Venango 
(Franklin), at which place he arrived on August 7th. The next 
morning, while hunting his horses, he passed within ten yards of 
Fort Machault. He then set out for Kuskuskies, but proceeded 
too far to the southward, and on the 10th, his party met a 
renegade English trader and an Indian, who told them they were 
then within twenty miles of Fort Duquesne. Thus having lost 
their way, they spent almost two days in trying to find the right 
trail to Kuskuskies. Reaching an Indian town on Conoqueness- 
ing Creek, about fifteen miles from Kuskuskies, Post sent 
Pisquetomen on ahead to let the chiefs know that he was coming 
with a message from the Governor and people of Pennsylvania 
and the King of England. Shortly after Pisquetomen left. Post 
met some Shawnees, who formerly lived at Wyoming. They 
recognized him and treated him very kindly. 

Arriving at Kuskuskies that same day (August 12th), Post 
was kindly welcomed by King Beaver, and ten other chiefs 
saluted him. They had long conversations with Post around the 
council fire until midnight. Post was now among the leaders of 
the bloody raids into the Pennsylvania settlements — King 
Beaver, Keckenepaulin and Shingas, the last of whom was the 
terror of the frontier, for whose head Governor Denny, in 1756, 
set a price of two hundred pounds. Other chiefs with whom Post 
held councils at Kuskuskies until August 20th, were Delaware 
George, who was his former disciple at the Moravian mission, 
and Killbuck. He made known to all the chiefs the peace be- 
tween Pennsylvania and the Eastern Delawares brought about 
at the treaty with Teedyuscung at Easton. After one of the 
councils, lasting far into the night, Delaware George was unable 
to sleep, so affected was he by the peace message of his former 
teacher and mentor. A French Captain and fifteen soldiers came 
to Kuskuskies to build houses for the Indians, and they used 
every art to get possession of Post, but to no avail. Even the 
bloody Shingas loved the gentle Moravian, and protected him. 

On August 20th, Post, accompanied by twenty-five horsemen 
and fifteen footmen, went to Sauconk at the mouth of the Beaver. 
Here he was not well received, being surrounded by Indians with 
drawn knives. Finally recognizing a few and talking with them, 
their manner suddenly changed. Post went from here' to Logs- 


town, at which place he arrived on the evening of August 23d. 
Here he met many English captives, and was permitted to shake 
hands with them — a thing he was not permitted to do at Kus- 
kuskies where he saw Marie le Roy and Barbara Leininger, as 
well as other English captives. Leaving Logstown on August 
25th, Post's party arrived on the right bank of the Allegheny, 
just opposite Fort Duquesne, in the afternoon. Here King 
Beaver introduced him to the Indians who came over from the 
fort. All were glad to see him except "an Old deaf Onondaga 
Indian who rose up and signified his displeasure." He apologized, 
however, the next day, when some Delaware and Shawnee friends 
of Post gave him a roll of tobacco. 

Post's situation was now most critical. French officers de- 
manded that he be taken to the fort, but his Indian friends would 
"not suffer him to be blinded and carried into the Fort." The 
next day, the Indians told him the French had offered a reward 
for his scalp and that he should "not stir from the Fire." "Ac- 
cordingly," he says in his journal, "I stuck constantly as close 
to the fire as if I had been charm'd there." The Indian to whom 
the French offered a reward for Post's scalp was Shamokin Daniel, 
one of his own party, and from this time on, Post had much 
trouble with this Delaware, to whom the French had given a 
string of wampum "to leave me there." 

Here, on August 26th, on the bank of the Allegheny, under the 
guns of Fort Duquesne, in»the presence of French officers, who, 
with paper and pen, took down every word he spoke, and in the 
presence of three hundred Indians — Delawares, Shawnees, 
Mingoes and Ottawas, — this heroic Knight of the Cross, 
Christian Frederick Post, delivered the peace message of the 
Governor of Pennsylvania and the King of England to the as- 
sembled warriors, and pleaded that they accept the message and 
withdraw from their allegiance with the French. After he ended 
his plea for peace, the French held a council with their most 
devoted Indian allies, at Fort Duquesne, and urged that, inas- 
much as the Delawares accompanying Post were wavering in their 
allegiance and inclining to the English interest, they should all 
be killed, to which proposal the Ottawas objected and prevented 
its being carried into execution. 

Realizing that it was too dangerous for Post to remain longer 
so near Fort Duquesne, a party of his Indian friends left with 
him for Sauconk before daylight, on August 27th, by a different 
trail than the one over which they had come. They passed 


through three Shawnee towns on the way, at all of which Post 
was well received, and arrived at Sauconk in the evening, where 
he was also gladly welcomed. In the Shawnee towns. Post saw 
many Indians he became acquainted with at Wyoming. 

On August 28th, Post and a party of twenty set out from 
Sauconk for Kuskuskies. One of the party was Shingas. "On 
the road," says Post, "Shingas addressed himself to me, and 
asked if I did not think that, if he came to the English, they would 
hang him, as they had offered a great reward for his head. He 
spoke in a very soft and easy manner. I told him that was a 
great while ago ; it was all forgotten and wiped clean away ; that 
the English would receive him very kindly." At this point 
Shamokin Daniel interrupted, and told Shingas not to believe 
Post; that the English had hired hundreds of Cherokees to kill 
the Delawares; and that both he (Daniel) and Post had seen an 
Indian woman lying dead in the road, murdered by the Cherokees. 
"D — n you," said Daniel, "why do not you (the English) and the 
French fight on the sea? You come here only to cheat the poor 
Indians, and take their land from them." That night Post and 
his party arrived at Kuskuskies. 

Post remained at Kuskuskies until September 7th, holding 
many councils with Shingas, King Beaver, Pisquetomen, Dela- 
ware George and other leaders of the Western Delawares. In 
these councils, Shingas told him that the English and French 
were fighting for lands that belonged to neither, but to the In- 
dians, and that this fighting was taking place "in the Land that 
God has given us." Said this Delaware chief, in a speech as 
patriotic as ever fell from the lips of Daniel Webster: 

"The English intend to destroy us, and take our lands, but the 
land is ours, and not theirs . . . It is you that have begun the 
war . . . We love you more than you love us; for, when we take 
any prisoners from you, we treat them as our own children. We 
are poor, and we cloathe them as well as we can, though you see 
our children are as naked as at the first. By this you may see that 
our hearts are better than yours. . . Why do not you and the 
French fight in the old country, and on the sea? Why do you 
come to fight on our land? . . . You want to take the land 
from us by force, and settle it. The white people think we have 
no brains in our heads." 

Shingas and his associate chiefs "had brains in their heads." 
They saw through the schemes and plans of both the English and 
the French. Like all races, primitive and civilized, the Indians 


had their faults — faults that were increased by the white man's 
rum and vices — but no close student of Indian history will say 
that they did not have an intelligence far beyond that of other 
primitive races. Furthermore, no citizen of old Rome loved his 
country more than these children of the American forests loved 
the mountains, the valleys, the streams, the hunting grounds, for 
which they were fighting and dying — the beautiful and loved 
region which Shingas described as "the Land that God has given 

From what Post told them and from what was promised in 
various conferences to be discussed in a subsequent chapter, the 
Western Delawares and Shawnees believed that, as soon as the 
English would succeed in driving the French from the Ohio and 
Allegheny valleys, they (the English) would withdraw east of the 
Allegheny Mountains and leave the western lands to the Indian. 
It was this understanding that caused Shingas, King Beaver, 
Delaware George and the other chiefs with whom Post held his 
conferences, to accept the peace message of which he was the 

On September 3d, Post was given a peace belt of eight rows of 
wampum. It was delivered by King Beaver, Delaware George, 
Pisquetomen, John Hickman, Killbuck, Keckenepaulin and eight 
other chiefs, representing the three clans of the Delawares. 

On September 4th, two hundred French and Indians came to 
Kuskuskies on their way to Fort Duquesne. They stayed all 
night. During the middle of the night. King Beaver's daughter 
died, "on which," says Post, "a great many guns were fired in 
the town." 

Just before Post left, September 7th, King Beaver and Shingas, 
referring to the fact that Governor Denny and Teedyuscung had 
entrusted Post to their brother, Pisquetomen, addressed their 
brother as follows: 

"Brother, you told us that the Governor of Philadelphia and 
Teedyuscung took this man out of their bosoms, and put him into 
your bosom, that you should bring him here; and you have 
brought him here to us; and now we give him into your bosom, to 
bring him to the same place again, before the Governor; but do 
not let him quite loose; we shall rejoice when we shall see him here 

Post and his companions then hastened on their way over the 
mountains to Eastern Pennsylvania, bearing the peace belt of 
the Western Delawares. During the night of September 13th, at 


a point near Punxsutawney, rustling was heard in the bushes 
near their camp, whereupon Post's Indian companions kept 
watch, one after another, all the rest of the night. "In the 
morning," says Post, "I asked them what made them afraid. 
They said I knew nothing ; the French had set a great price on my 
head; and they knew there was gone out a great scout to lie in 
wait for me." 

Arriving at the Great Island (Lock Haven), on September 19th, 
Post met a war party of twenty Delawares and Mingoes, return- 
ing from the settlements with five prisoners and one scalp. Post 
informed them where he had been and what he had accomplished, 
whereupon the warriors said that, if they had known this, they 
would not have gone to war. 

Post arrived at Fort Augusta on September 22nd. At Harris' 
Ferry, he sent Pisquetomen and Thomas Hickman, a friendly 
Delaware, on to Philadelphia to deliver the peace belt and message 
of the Western Delawares, while he went on to see General Forbes, 
who was then at Raystown (Bedford) with the main part of his 
army. (Thomas Hickman was brutally murdered by a white 
man, in the Tuscarora Valley, in 1761.) Pisquetomen and 
Thomas Hickman went to the "Grand Council," which convened 
at Easton, on October 8th, described later in this chapter, where 
the former delivered the peace belt and message, and where 
Governor Denny prepared a reply to the same, and directed 
Pisquetomen and Hickman to carry this reply back to the Western 
Delawares. Then, on October 22nd, just as Pisquetomen and 
Hickman were leaving, Post arrived at the Council with the news 
from General Forbes that twelve hundred French and two 
hundred Indians had attacked his advance guard at Loyal- 
hanning (Ligonier), on October 12th. (Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 8, 
pages 187, 188, 212.) 

For Post's journal of his mission, see Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, 
pages 520 to 544. 

Post's Second Mission to the Western Delawares 

Governor Denny's message in reply to the message and peace 
belts brought by Post from the Western Delawares, contained 
assurance of pardon for past hostile acts of these Indians and their 
allies, upon their agreeing to withdraw from the French allegiance. 
It also contained a request that the chiefs of the Western Dela- 
wares come to Philadelphia for a conference with the Colonial 


As stated above, Pisquetomen and Thomas Hickman were 
ready to start from Easton with the Governor's message when 
Post arrived at the Grand Council at that place, on October 22nd. 
These messengers were to be accompanied by Togennontawly, a 
Cayuga chief, the youngest son of Shikellamy, Captain John 
Bull, William Hays and the Delaware, Isaac Still, the last being 
a Moravian convert — the first two being appointed by the Six 
Nations' chiefs and the rest by the Governor. 

On October 25th, Post received orders from Governor Denny, 
at Easton, to go once more to Kuskuskies, carrying the Gover- 
nor's reply. He left Easton that day, going to Bethlehem, where 
he prepared for his journey. On the 27th, he arrived at Reading, 
where he met Captain John Bull, William Hays and the above 
named Indians, who were to accompany him. At the house of 
Conrad Weiser, at Reading, he read the Governor's letter of 
instructions in which he was requested to go on this journey by 
the same route that the army of General Forbes was following, 
instead of the route he had followed on his first mission. Pisque- 
tomen and the other Indians were at first unwilling to travel by 
the route followed by Forbes' army, as it led through the Scotch- 
Irish settlements in Cumberland and Franklin Counties, where 
so many atrocities had been committed since the beginning of 
the war. The Indians feared they might be harmed by the in- 
habitants of these counties, but finally gave their consent to 
travel by this route. The party arrived at Carlisle on the even- 
ing of October 29th, where the Indians spent the night in a house 
just outside Fort Lowther. The next day, the party arrived at 
Shippensburg, where all spent the night in Fort Morris. 

While Post and his companions were passing Chambers' Fort, 
now Chambersburg, on October 31st, some Scotch-Irish settlers, 
recognizing the Indians, "exclaimed against them in a rash man- 
ner." Post had some difficulty in getting his Indian companions 
through this neighborhood, but reached Fort Littleton the next 
day, where he and his party remained until November 3d, when 
they set out for Raystown (Bedford), arriving there that night 
and remaining there until November 6th. On November 7th, 
they arrived at Loyalhanning (Ligonier), where they were 
received by General Forbes, who gave them a message and a 
belt of wampum for the Western Delawares. 

On November 9th, Post and his party left Loyalhanning, es- 
corted by one hundred troops under Captain John Haselet, and 
went to a fortified place ten miles west, still known as Breast- 


work Hill, in Unity Township, Westmoreland County, where 
they spent the night. The next day, after travelling about five 
miles. Captain Haselet and his company proceeded towards the 
Ohio by the old trading path, while Post and his party, accom- 
panied by Lieutenant Hays and fourteen troops, went down the 
Loyalhanna to the Shawnee and Delaware town, called Keckene- 
paulin's Town, then deserted, located at the mouth of the Loyal- 
hanna and just opposite the town of Saltsburg; thence to Kis- 
kemeneco, or Kiskiminetas Town, also then deserted, located on 
the south bank of the Kiskiminetas River, about seven miles 
from its mouth, where they encamped the night of November 
11th. Here Captain Hays and his party of fourteen men left 
Post's party. We shall learn the fate of Captain Hays presently. 
Leaving Kiskiminetas Town, Post arrived at the Allegheny River 
on the afternoon of November 12th, at that part of Chartier's 
Old Town on the east side of the river, the principal part of the 
town being on the west side. Here he spent the night in this 
deserted Shawnee town. "The wolves and owls made a great 
noise in the night," he said. Crossing the Allegheny the next 
day, Post and his party proceeded through the northern end of 
Allegheny County, the south-central part of Butler County, and 
into Lawrence County, to Kuskuskies, consisting, at that time, 
of four villages whose center was at or near the site of the present 
city of New Castle. 

Post arrived at Kuskuskies on November 16th, where he found 
only two men, the rest of the warriors being away in the service 
of the French. On November 17th, Post held a conference with 
Delaware George, to whom he delivered the wampum and mes- 
sage sent by General Forbes. That evening the Delaware chief, 
Kechenepaulin, returned to Kuskuskies, and brought the sad 
news that his party of Indians had attacked the party of Lieu- 
tenant Hays, about twelve miles from Fort Duquesne, killing 
the Lieutenant and four of his soldiers and capturing five others, 
one of whom, Henry Osten, then at Sauconk, was to be burned 
at the stake. The Indians attacking Lieutenant Hays and his 
party, had first attacked the scouting parties of Colonel George 
Washington and Colonel Hugh Mercer, near Ligonier, on Nov- 
ember 12th, and had been repulsed. An account of this skirmish 
will be given in the following chapter. Post at once sent an Indian 
to Sauconk with the message that the prisoner, Henry Osten, was 
one of the party guarding him on his mission of peace, where- 


upon the prisoner was not burned, but was sent to Kuskuskies, 
on November 20th, where he ran the gauntlet. 

Post says, in his journal, under date of November 17th, that 
the warriors gave the following explanation as to how the attack 
on Captain Hays' party took place: That the Indians were on 
their way to see General Forbes and hold a conference with him, 
when some French with them "made a division among them;" 
that the Delaware chief, Kekeuscung, told the others that he 
would go on and meet the General, if the others would follow 
him; "but the others would not agree to it; and the French per- 
suaded them to fall upon the English at Loyalhanning; they 
accordingly did, and as they were driven back, they fell in with 
that party that guided us, which they did not know. They 
seemed sorry for it." 

The next three days filled the heart of Post with dread. The 
warriors who had been repulsed at Loyalhanning had returned, 
"possessed with a murdering spirit." They had a French captain 
with them, who endeavored to get possession of Post. Post and 
his companions were warned not to go from the house. Finally 
in conferences with the French captain, in which he endeavored 
to get the support of the Indians, they refused to accept his 
wampum belt, whereupon he "looked pale as death." 

On November 22nd, Kittiuskund (Kekeuscung) returned to 
Kuskuskies with the information that General Forbes was only 
fifteen miles from Fort Duquesne, and that the French had taken 
the roofs off the buildings near the fort and placed them around 
it, so as to be able quickly to set the place on fire rather then let 
it fall into the hands of the English. On this day, also, some of 
the Indians told Post that Shamokin Daniel, who accompanied 
him on his former mission, "had fairly sold me to the French ; and 
the French had been much displeased that the Indians brought 
me away." 

Under date of November 24th, Post wrote in his journal : "We 
hanged out the English flag in spite of the French; on which our 
prisoners folded their hands, in hopes that their redemption was 
nigh; looking up to God, which melted my heart in tears, and 
prayers to God, to hear their prayers, and change the times, and 
the situation, which our prisoners are in, and under which they 

That day King Beaver returned to Kuskuskies and saluted the 
heroic peace messenger in a very friendly manner. 
Shingas returned on November 25th,, whereupon Post called 


the chiefs and warriors together, told them of the Grand Council 
at Easton, delivered the peace belt and strings of wampum, and 
read the letter of General Forbes. Says Post: "The messages 
pleased and gave satisfaction to all the hearers except the French 
captain. He shook his head with bitter grief, and often changed 
his countenance." On that very day, as we shall see in the follow- 
ing chapter, the English flag was raised above the smouldering 
ruins of Fort Duquesne. 

On November 28th, all the chiefs and warriors at Kuskuskies 
met in council to frame an answer to the letter of General Forbes 
and the peace belt and message from Governor Denny. Their 
deliberations lasted long into the night and the greater part of 
the next day. The matter that disturbed the chiefs was fear that 
the English would not withdraw east of the Allegheny Mountains 
after having driven the French from the valleys of the Ohio and 
Allegheny. Kittiuskund, one of the principal chiefs, secretly told 
Post this day : 

"That all the nations had jointly agreed to defend their hunting 
place at Allegheny, and suffer nobody to settle there; and as 
these Indians are very much inclined to the English interest, so 
he begged us very much to tell the Governor, General, and all 
other people not to settle there. And if the English would draw 
back over the mountain, they would get all the other nations into 
their interest; but if they staid and settled there, all nations 
would be against them; and he was afraid it would be a great 
war, and never come to peace again." 

As we have already pointed out and as we shall see further on 
in this chapter and a subsequent chapter, the reason why the 
Delawares and their allies, the Shawnees, accepted the peace 
messages of Governor Denny, carried over the mountains to them 
by the heroic Moravian missionary, was their belief and under- 
standing that the English would withdraw from the valleys of 
the Ohio and Allegheny after they had driven the French from 
this region. We shall also see, in a subsequent chapter, that the 
failure of the English to keep their many promises to withdraw 
from this region after the expulsion of the French therefrom, was 
the prime cause of Pontiac's War — mis-named "Pontiac's Con- 

On November 29th, Post and his party went to Sauconk, ac- 
companied by twenty Indians, arriving there in the evening. 
■Here- they met George Croghan and Andrew Montour, who had 
come to' that place from the ruins of Fort Duquesne. The next 


day Post read the messages of the Governor and General Forbes, 
this time in the presence of Croghan and Mountour, as well as 
Shingas, King Beaver and the other Delaware chiefs. Confer- 
ences were held here on December 1, at which the Delawares 
asked Post to come and live among them and to preach to them. 
On December 2nd, Post, his party, and many chiefs of the Dela- 
wares, left Sauconk, and travelled to within eight miles of the 
ruins of Fort Duquesne, which he now calls Pittsburgh, doubtless 
having been advised by Croghan of the new name given the place 
by General Forbes. On their way they passed through several 
deserted Shawnee towns as well as Logstown. He specifically 
describes Logstown as follows: "On the east end is a great piece 
of low land, where the old Logstown used to stand. In the new 
Logstown the French have built about thirty houses for the 
Indians. They have a large corn-field on the south side, where 
the corn stands ungathered." 

On December 3d, Post's party reached the Allegheny, opposite 
Pittsburgh, but were unable to cross the river, being obliged to 
remain "on that island where I had kept council with the In- 
dians, in the month of August last." This was Killbuck's or 
Smoky Island. While Post says in the journal of his first mission 
to the Ohio that the councils of August 26th, were held on the 
west bank of the Allegheny, it would seem from the above quoted 
statement in the journal of his second mission that these councils 
were held on Smoky Island. 

Post and his party finally got across the Allegheny on December 
4th. Arriving at the ruins of Fort Duquesne, Post learned from 
Mr. Hays that Colonel Henry Bouquet, whom Forbes had left 
in command, was much displeased with the answer that Shingas, 
King Beaver and the other Delaware chiefs had made to the 
letter of General Forbes — an answer in which they insisted that 
the English withdraw east of the Allegheny Mountains. Bouquet 
desired that the chiefs change their answer, but they declined to 
do so. That afternoon the Delaware chiefs held a council, in 
which King Beaver said : "We likewise join, and accept the peace 
offered to us; and we have already answered your messenger 
what we have to say to the General, that he should go back over 
the mountains; we have nothing to say to the contrary." 

The events now being narrated have such an important bearing 
on more serious events to follow, when the warriors of Pontiac, 
Guyasuta and Custaloga rose in savage wrath to drive the English 
into the sea, that we shall let Post tell in his own words what 


happened after King Beaver made the statement, above quoted : 

"Neither Mr. Croghan nor Andrew Montour would tell 
Colonel Bouquet the Indians' answer. Then Mr. Croghan, 
Colonel [John] Armstrong and Colonel Bouquet went into a tent 
by themselves, and I went upon my business. What they have 
further agreed to I do not know; but when they had done, I 
called King Beaver, Shingasand Kekeuscung, and said: 'Brethren, 
if you have any alteration to make, in answer to the General, 
concerning leaving this place, you will be pleased to let me know.' 
They said they would alter nothing. 'We have told them three 
times to leave the place, and go back; but they insist upon stay- 
ing here; if, therefore, they will be destroyed by the French and 
Indians, we cannot help them." 

Colonel Bouquet set out for Loyalhanning that day (December 
5th.) Under date of December 6th, Post wrote the following in 
his journal: 

"Mr. Croghan told me that the Indians had spoke, upon the 
same string that I had, to Colonel Bouquet, and altered their 
mind; and had agreed and desired that 200 men should stay at 
the fort. I refused to make any alteration in the answer to the 
General, till I myself did hear it of the Indians; at which Mr. 
Croghan grew very angry. I told him I had already spoke with 
the Indians; he said it was a d — d lie; and desired Mr. Hays to 
enquire of the Indians, and take down in writing what they said. 
Accordingly, he called them, and asked them if they had altered 
their speech or spoke to Colonel Bouquet on that string they gave 
me. Shingas and the other counsellor said they had spoken 
nothing to Colonel Bouquet on the string they gave me, but what 
was agreed between the Indians at Kushkushking [Kuskuskies.] 
They said Mr. Croghan and Henry [Andrew] Montour had not 
spoke and acted honestly and uprightly; they bid us not to alter 
the least, and said: 'We have told them three times to go back; 
but they will not go, insisting upon staying here. Now you will 
let the Governor, General, and all the people know that our 
desire is that they should go back, till the other nations have 
joined in the peace, and then they may come and build a trading 
house.' Then they repeated what they had said on the 5th 

Post left Pittsburgh on December 6th. He arrived at Loyal- 
hanning on December the 8th. He remained here until December 
27th, having given General Forbes a report of his mission, in the 
meantime. On December 14th, he had a long talk with the Gen- 


eral, at Loyalhanning. General Forbes also set out from Loyal- 
hanning on December 27th, Post accompanying him as far as 
Carlisle, at which place they arrived on January 7th, 1759. Post 
set out on foot from Carlisle, on January 8th, and arrived at 
Lancaster, on January 10th. 

Thus ends the account of the historic missions of Christian 
Frederick Post to the Western Indians — missions whose impor- 
tance it would indeed be difficult to overestimate. If Shingas 
and his associate chiefs had not welcomed the peace message of 
the gentle Moravian missionary, who can tell how different would 
have been the result? Would the Anglo-Saxon today have the 
ascendancy in the Western World? Would America be speaking 
English today? Logstown and Sauconk were filled with war- 
riors, and in the villages in the valleys of the Tuscarawas and 
Muskingum were hundreds of others. One word from Shingas or 
King Beaver, and they would have arisen in savage wrath. But 
that word was not spoken, because Post, whom they loved and in 
whom they had confidence, held them silent and kept them from 
assisting the French, as the army of General Forbes marched over 
the mountains and through the wilderness to dislodge the French 
from the beautiful and fertile valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny, 
and to end the French and Indian War in Pennsylvania. Let us 
pay due tribute to the memory of Christian Frederick Post. Let 
us admire his sublime courage. At Pittsburgh, the "Gateway to 
the West," and at New Castle, there should be monuments pro- 
claiming to future generations the deeds and worth of this honest, 
courageous and noble character of the early days of Pennsylvania. 
He was born in 1710, and died at German town, on April 29th, 
1785. His dust reposes in the "Lower Graveyard" at German- 

Post's journal of his second mission to the Western Delawares 
is published in several historical works, among them being, 
Thwaites' "Early Western Travels," Vol. 1, pages 234 to 291. 
George Croghan's journal of November and December, 1758, 
found in Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, pages 560 to 565, is erroneously 
attributed to Post. 


Kuskuskies, or Kuskuski, where Post held the momentous 
treaty with King Beaver, Shingas and their associate chiefs, was, 
at that time, a group of four Delaware towns whose center was, 
as has already been stated, at or near the site of the present city 


of New Castle, Lawrence County. In the journal of his first 
mission to this place, Post describes the Indian settlement as 
follows: "Cuskusking is divided into four towns, each at a dis- 
tance from the others, and the whole consists of about ninety 
Houses and two hundred able Warriors." 

Delawares of the Wolf and Turkey Clans took up their abode 
here at least as early as 1742, possibly soon after the founding of 
the Delaware town of Kittanning. Prior to the coming of the 
Delawares, however, the Senecas had a village, called Kuskuski, 
at the junction of the Mahoning and Shenango Rivers and another 
of the same name on the Shenango at the mouth of Neshannock 
Creek, both within the limits of the present city of New Castle. 

Kuskuskies was a regional term, applied by the Delawares, 
not only to the four towns mentioned by Post, but to the territory 
for many miles along the Beaver, the Mahoning, the Shenango 
and the Neshannock, as General William Irvine pointed out in 
the report of his exploration of the Donation and Depreciation 
Lands in Western Pennsylvania, in 1785. 

For a comprehensive sketch of Kuskuskies, see Dr. George P. 
Donehoo's "Indian Villages and Place Names in Pennsylvania," 
pages 85 to 87. 

The Grand Council at Easton 

While Christian Frederick Post was on his first mission to the 
Ohio Indians, Teedyuscung was persuading the Six Nations to 
send deputies to a fourth grand peace conference at Easton. His 
purpose was to draw all the Indians into an alliance with the 
English, and to secure a general and lasting peace. As a pre- 
liminary, he had induced the Minisink Indians and a number of 
Senecas to go to Philadelphia in August and hold a conference 
with the Governor. 

The Grand Council at Easton, known as the Fourth Easton 
Council, opened on Sunday, October 8, 1758, with more than five 
hundred Indians in attendance, representing all the tribes of the 
Six Nations, the Delawares, Conoys, Tuteloes, and Nanticokes. 
Governor Denny, members of the Provincial Council and Assem- 
bly, Governor Bernard, of New Jersey, Commissioners for Indian 
affairs in New Jersey, Conrad Weiser, George Croghan, and a 
number of Quakers from Philadelphia, made up the attendance 
of the whites. Those who acted as interpreters were Conrad 
Weiser, Isaac Still, Moses Tatemy and Andrew Montour. 

Three great land disputes came before this council. The first 


was the Albany purchase of 1754, which, as we have already seen, 
caused the Delawares of the West Branch of the Susquehanna and 
the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny to go over to the French. 
To the credit of Conrad Weiser, it must be said that he had all 
along insisted that this was not a just purchase; that the Indians 
were deceived, and that the running of the lines had been greatly 
misrepresented. Furthermore, the Six Nations had declared to 
Sir William Johnson in 1755, that they would never consent to 
this sale, pointing out that the West Branch of the Susquehanna 
was held by them simply in trust as a hunting ground for their 
cousins, the Delawares. The matter was adjusted at this treaty 
by Governor Denny, on behalf of the Proprietaries, telling the Six 
Nations that Conrad Weiser and Richard Peters would deed back 
to them all of the Albany Purchase west of the summits of the 
Allegheny Mountains, if the Six Nations would confirm the 
residue of the purchase. This they agreed to, and the mutual 
releases were executed October 24th. 

The second land dispute taken up at the Grand Council was 
the complaint of the Munsee Clan of Delawares (Munseys) that 
their lands in New Jersey had never been purchased. Governor 
Bernard, of New Jersey, when asked by the Munseys what he 
should pay for the New Jersey land, offered them eight hundred 
dollars, saying that it was a very extraordinary offer. The 
Munseys then asked the Iroquois deputies for their opinion as to 
the price. The Iroquois replied that the offer was fair and 
honorable; that if it were their own case, they would cheerfully 
accept it; but, as there were a great many of the Munseys to share 
in the purchase money, they would recommend that the Governor 
add two hundred dollars more. To this Governor Bernard agreed, 
and so this second great land dispute was settled. 

The third land dispute to come before the Grand Council was 
the old complaints made by Teedyuscung concerning the Walking 
Purchase. The Six Nations had not met with the Delawares at 
any public treaty with Pennsylvania since the treaty of 1742, in 
which Canassatego, as the spokesman of the Six Nations, ordered 
the Delawares to remove from the bounds of the Walking Pur- 
chase. Three questions called for an answer at the Grand Coun- 
cil: (1) Was the Walking Purchase just? (2) Had the Six 
Nations any right to sell lands on the Delaware? (3) Were the 
Delawares subject to the Iroquois, or were they independent? 

Before taking up the matter of the Walking Purchase, the 
Iroquois deputies concluded that the first thing to do was to 


humble Teedyuscung, and break down his influence and standing. 
The great Delaware had entered this council more humbly than 
he did the councils of 1756 and 1757, realizing that his bitter 
enemy, Nickas, a Mohawk chief, was in attendance. George 
Croghan's Mohawk wife was a daughter of Nickas, according to 
Charles Thompson and others. 

Nickas began the attack on Teedyuscung, designed to break 
down his influence. Pointing to Teedyuscung, he spoke with 
great vigor and bitterness. Conrad Weiser was ordered to in- 
terpret Nickas' speech, but declined, and desired that Andrew 
Montour should do it. Weiser clearly saw that the interpretation 
of his speech would cause great discord, and he planned to have 
the interpretation postponed until the anger of the Iroquois had 
time to cool. He therefore advised that the speech be interpreted 
at a private conference, which was arranged to take place the next 
morning, October 14th. The next morning came; but there was 
no conference. Weiser had succeeded in causing more delay to 
avert the threatening storm. However, on the morning of the 
15th, Nickas, at a private conference, said: "Who made Teedy- 
uscung chief of the nations? If he be such a great man, we desire 
to know who made him so? Perhaps you have, and if this be the 
case, tell us so. It may be the French have made him so. We 
want to inquire and know where his greatness arose." 

Nickas was followed by Tagashata, chief of the Senecas, who 
said: "We do not know who made Teedyuscung this great man 
over ten nations, and I want to know who made him so." Then 
Assarandonquas, chief of the Onondagas, said: "I never heard 
before now that Teedyuscung was such a great man, and much less 
can I tell who made him so. No such thing was ever said in our 
towns." Then Thomas King, in behalf of the Oneidas, Cayugas, 
Tuscaroras, Nanticokes, and Conoys, said: "I now tell you we, 
none of us, know who has made Teedyuscung such a great man. 
Perhaps the French have, or perhaps you have, or some among 
you, as you have different governments and are different people. 
We for our parts entirely disown that he has any authority over 
us, and we desire to know from whence he derives his authority." 

The following day, October 16th, after Conrad Weiser had 
time to advise Governor Denny and Governor Bernard as to the 
proper reply to make to these speeches of the Iroquois deputies, 
Governor Denny advised them that he had never made Teedyus- 
cung a great chief. He further told the deputies that, at the for- 
mer Easton conferences, Teedyuscung had spoken of the Iroquois 


as his uncles and superiors; and Governor Bernard also denied 
making Teedyuscung a great chief, or king. Thus, the skillful 
guidance of Conrad Weiser, in delaying the outburst of Iroquois 
anger and in framing the proper speeches for the Governors, 
smoothed matters over, and prevented the cause of peace from 
suffering a serious setback. 

After the apologies of Governor Denny and Governor Ber- 
nard, Teedyuscung arose to speak on his land claims. Said he: 
"I did let you know formerly what my grievance was. I told 
you that from Tohiccon, as far as the Delawares owned, the Pro- 
prietaries had wronged me. Then you and I agreed that it should 
be laid before the King of England, and likewise you told me you 
would let me know as soon as ever he saw it. You would lay the 
matter before the King, for you said he was our Father, that he 
might see what was our differences; for as you and I could not 
decide it, let him do it. Now let us not alter what you and I have 
agreed. Now, let me know if King George has decided the matter 
between you and me. I don't pretend to mention any of my 
uncles' [Iroquois'] lands. I only mention what we, the Delawares, 
own, as far as the heads of Delaware. All the lands lying on the 
waters that fall into the Susquehanna belong to our uncles." 

He then took another belt and turned to address the Iroquois, 
but these proud sachems had, during his speech to Governors 
Denny and Bernard, noiselessly left the room. Teedyuscung 
then declined to speak further. The next day, October 17th, the 
Indians spent in private conferences. On October 18th, after 
Governor Denny had had a private interview with the Six Nations 
Teedyuscung came to his headquarters, stating that the Dela- 
wares did not claim the land high up on the Delaware, as those 
belonged to their uncles, the Iroquois, but that the land which he 
did specifically complain about, was included in the Walking Pur- 
chase. Governor Denny avoided giving Teedyuscung a direct 
reply until he would lay the land dispute before the Six Nations' 

He then explained to the deputies that Pennsylvania had 
bought land from them which the Delawares claimed, advising 
that this was a matter which should be settled among themselves. 
The Six Nations replied that they did not understand the Gover- 
nor. They said that he had left matters in the dark; that they 
did not know what lands he meant; that if he meant the lands on 
the other side of the Blue Mountains, he knew that the Proprie- 
taries had a deed for .them (.the Purchase of 1749), which ought to 


be produced and shown to them ; that their deeds had their marks, 
and when they should see them, they would know their marks 
again. Conrad Weiser then brought the deed. The Iroquois 
examined it and said : "The land was ours and we can justify it." 

Teedyuscung said no more at the Easton conference concern- 
ing the Walking Purchase, but he charged the Six Nations with 
selling his land at Wyoming to the Connecticut interests at the 
Albany treaty of 1754. In fact, one of the conditions upon which 
he was willing to make peace was that he and his Delawares be 
settled at Wyoming, and that a deed be given to them for these 
lands. Addressing the Iroquois deputies, he said: 

"Uncles, you may remember that you placed us at Wyoming 
and Shamokin, places where Indians have lived before. Now, I 
hear since that you have sold that land to our brethren, the 
English, [meaning the Connecticut commissioners]. Let the 
matter now be cleared up in the presence of our brothers, the 
English. I sit here as a bird on a bough. I look about and do not 
know where to go. Let me therefore come down upon the 
ground and make that my own by a good deed, and I shall then 
have a home forever; for if you, my uncles, or I, die, our brethren, 
the English, will say they bought it from you, and so wrong my 
posterity out of it." 

The Oneida chief, Thomas King, promised to lay Teedyus- 
cung's request for the Wyoming lands before the great council of 
the Six Nations. 

It is well to explain, at this point, that Connecticut's claim to 
the Wyoming Valley had another basis than the irregular pur- 
chase made by the Connecticut interests from the Mohawks at 
the Albany Treaty of 1754. The Wyoming lands were included 
in the grant of Charles I, of England, to the Plymouth Company, 
which, in 1631, conveyed them to Connecticut. Then this latter 
grant was confirmed by Royal Patent from Charles II, in 1662. 
By a confusing error, Charles II, in making the grant of what is 
now the State of Pennsylvania, to William Penn, in 1681, in- 
cluded the Wyoming lands in the same. This error caused a 
bitter controversy between Pennsylvania and Connecticut over 
the Wyoming lands for about a century. 

The Grand Council ended on October 26th. Peace was 
secured, and through the efforts of Post, the Ohio Indians had 
been drawn away from the French. For a full account of the 
Grand Council at Easton, see Pa. Col. Rec, Vol. 8, pages 175 
to 223. 


While Governor Denny, Teedyuscung and Christian Frederick 
Post were working for peace and General Forbes was preparing 
to advance against Fort Duquesne, Indian outrages were com- 
mitted, which we shall now narrate. 

Mary Jemison, White Woman of Genessee 

On April 5th, 1758, a band of Indians and Frenchmen from the 
Ohio attacked the home of Thomas Jemison, near the confluence 
of Sharp's Run and Conewago Creek in Adams County. On the 
morning of that day, Jemison's daughter, Mary, aged about 
fifteen, had returned from an errand to a neighbor's, and a man* 
took her horse to go to his house after a bag of grain. Her father 
was busy with chores about the house, her mother was getting 
breakfast, her two elder brothers were at the barn, while the 
smaller children of the family and a neighbor woman, f were in the 
house. Suddenly they were alarmed by the discharge of a number 
of guns. Opening the door they found the man and the horse 
lying dead. The Indians then captured Mr. Jemison, his wife, his 
children, Robert, Matthew, Betsy, and Mary, together with the 
neighbor woman and her three children, the two brothers in the 
barn making their escape. The attacking party consisted of six 
Indians and four Frenchmen. They set out with their prisoners 
in single file, using a whip when anyone lagged behind. At the 
end of the second day's march, Mary was separated from her 
parents. During the night her parents and all the other prisoners, 
except Mary and a neighbor boy, were cruelly put to death, and 
their bodies left in the swamps to be devoured by wild beasts. As 
an Indian took Mary and this little boy by the hand, to lead them 
from the rest of the prisoners, her mother exclaimed, "Don't cry, 
Mary — don't cry, my child. God will bless you! Farewell — fare- 
well!" These were the last words she ever heard fall from the lips 
of her mother. During the next day's march, the unhappy girl 
had to watch the Indians scrape and dry the scalps of her parents, 
brothers, sisters, and neighbors. Her mother had an abundance 
of beautiful, red hair, and she could easily distinguish her scalp 
from the others, — a sight which remained with her to the end of 
her days. The neighbor boy was given to the French, and Mary 
given to two Shawnee squaws, and carried to the Shawnee towns 
on the Scioto. Here these squaws adopted her, replacing a 
brother who had been killed during the French and Indian War. 

Mary was given the name of Deh-ge-wanus by the squaws, who 

♦Robert Buck. tMrs. William Mann. 


had lost a beloved brother who had fallen on the field of the slain ; 
and according to Seaver, in his "Life of Mary Jemison," the name 
means, "a handsome girl," while, according to other authorities, 
it means "two falling voices" or "two females letting words fall." 
On the occasion of giving her the Indian name, the squaws, 
crying bitterly and shedding an abundance of tears, recited the 
virtues of their brother, ending with the following chant: 

"Oh, helpless and wretched, our brother has gone. Well we 
remember his deeds. The deer he could take on the chase. The 
panther shrunk back at the sight of his strength. His enemies 
fell at his feet. He was brave and courageous in war. As the 
fawn, he was harmless; his friendship was ardent; his temper was 
gentle; his pity was great. Though he fell on the field of the 
slain, with glory he fell, and his spirit went up to the land of his 
fathers in war. Then why do we mourn? With transports of 
joy, they received him, and fed him, and clothed him, and wel- 
comed him there. Oh, friends, he is happy; then dry up your 
tears. His spirit has seen our distress, and sent us a helper whom 
with pleasure we greet. Deh-ge-wanus has come: then let us 
receive her with joy. She is handsome and pleasant. Oh! she 
is our sister, and gladly we welcome her here. In the place of our 
brother she stands in our tribe. With care, we will guard her 
from trouble; and may she be happy till her spirit shall leave us." 

In the autumn of 1759, she was taken to Fort Pitt, when the 
Shawnees and other western tribes went to that place to make 
peace with the English. She accompanied them with a light 
heart, as she believed she would soon be restored to her brothers 
who had made their escape when she was captured. The English 
at Fort Pitt asked her a number of questions concerning herself, 
which so alarmed her adopted Indian sisters that they hastily 
took her down the Ohio in a canoe. Afterwards she learned that 
some settlers had come to the fort to take her away, but could 
not find her. 

She married two Indian chiefs of renown. The first was a 
Delaware named Sheninjee, of whom she spoke as "noble, large 
in stature, elegant in appearance, generous in conduct, courageous 
in war, a friend of peace, and a great lover of justice." To this 
husband she bore two children. The first died soon after birth, 
but the second, who was born in the fourth year of her captivity, 
she named in memory of her father, Thomas Jemison. Her first 
husband died while they were enroute with her child to her new 
home in the Genesee Valley in New York. Several years after 


the death of her first husband, she married Hiokatoo, also known 
as Gardow, by whom she had four daughters and two sons. This 
second husband was a cruel and vindictive warrior. He was a 
Seneca, and as early as 1731, was appointed a runner to collect 
an Iroquois army to go against the Cherokees and Catawbas of 
the South. The Iroquois army, after a fatiguing march, met its 
enemies in what was then called "the low, dark and bloody lands," 
near Clarksville, Montgomery County, Tennessee. In a two 
days' battle in which the Southern Indians lost twelve hundred 
warriors, the Iroquois were successful. At Braddock's defeat, he 
is said to have captured two white prisoners whom he burned to 
death in a fire of his own kindling. He took part in almost every 
engagement in the French and Indian War. As will be seen he 
commanded the Senecas at the capture of Fort Freeland, July 
28th, 1779. Seaver, in his "Life of Mary Jemison," says that it 
was this chief who painted Doctor John Knight on the occasion 
of Colonel William Crawford's defeat and torture, in June, 1782. 
Altogether, according to Seaver, Hiokatoo was in seventeen 
campaigns. He ended his days in November, 1811, at the great 
age of more than one hundred years. 

Two great sorrows came into Mary Jemison's life. The first 
was when her son, John killed his brother, Thomas, her comforter 
and namesake of her father. The second was when this same 
John a few years later killed his other brother, Jesse. Her grief 
became somewhat assuaged when John was murdered later in a 
drunken quarrel with two Indians. 

Mary Jemison continued to live in the Gardeau Flats, New 
York, and upon the death of her second husband, she became 
possessed of a large tract of valuable land. She was naturalized 
April 19, 1817, and received a clear title to her land. In 1823, 
she sold a major portion of her holdings, reserving a tract two 
miles long and one mile wide. 

This remarkable lady who preserved the sensibilities of a white 
woman amidst the surroundings of barbaric life, died September 
19, 1833, at the age of ninety-one years, and was buried, with 
Christian rites, in the cemetery of the Seneca Mission on the 
Buffalo Creek Reservation, in New York. On March 17, 1874, 
her body was removed to the Indian Council House Grounds at 
Letchworth Park, where a beautiful bronze statue marks the 
grave of "The White Woman of the Genesee." 

We close this sketch with the following appropriate quotation 

"The White Woman of the Genessee," erected near 
the Jesuit Mission in Buchanan Valley, Adams County, 


from page 421 of the twenty-second edition of Seaver's "Life of 
Mary Jemison": 

"From all history and tradition, it would appear that neither 
seduction, prostitution, nor rape, was known in the calendar of 
crimes of this rude, savage race, until the females were contami- 
nated by the embrace of civilized men. And it is a remarkable 
fact that, among the great number of women and girls who have 
been taken prisoners by the Indians during the last two centuries, 
although they have often been tomahawked and scalped, their 
bodies ripped open while alive, and otherwise barbarously 
tortured, not a single instance is on record, or has ever found 
currency in the great stock of gossip and story which civilized 
society is so prone to circulate, that a female prisoner has ever 
been ill-treated, abused, or her modesty insulted, by an Indian, 
with reference to her sex." 

Capture of the Family of Richard Bard (Baird) 

On the morning of April 13th, 1758, the family of Richard 
Bard (Baird) was captured by a band of nineteen Delawares from 
the Ohio. The family resided near a place since known as Mar- 
shall's Mills, in Adams County. On their way to the Bard home, 
the Indians captured Samuel Hunter and Daniel McManiny, 
who were working in a field near the home; also a boy named 
William White, who was coming to a mill near Bard's home. 

In the Bard home, at the time of the attack, were Richard 
Bard; his wife Katherine; his infant son, John; Frederick Ferrick, 
his servant, about fourteen years old; Hannah McBride, eleven 
years old; and Lieutenant Thomas Potter, a brother of General 
James Potter. One of the Indians attacked Lieutenant Potter 
with a cutlass, but he succeeded in wresting it from the savage. 
Mr. Bard seized a pistol and snapped it at the breast of one of the 
Indians, but it failed to fire. As there was no ammunition in the 
home, the occupants of the house, fearing a slaughter or being 
burned alive, surrendered, as the Indians promised no harm would 
be done to them. The savages then went into the field nearby, 
where they captured Samuel Hunter, Daniel McManiny, and a 
boy named William White, who was coming to a mill near the 
Bard home. 

The Indians then secured the prisoners, plundered the house, 
and burned the mill. At a point about seventy rods from the 
home, contrary to their promises, they killed Lieutenant Potter, 


and having proceeded over the mountain for several miles, one of 
them sunk the spear of his tomahawk into the breast of the child, 
and scalped it. When they had proceeded with their prisoners 
past the fort into Path Valley, they encamped for the night. The 
next day they discovered a party of settlers in pursuit. They then 
hastened the pace of their prisoners under threat of tomahawking 
them. Reaching the top of Tuscarora Mountain, the party sat 
down to rest, and one of the Indians, without giving any warning 
whatever, buried his tomahawk in the head of Samuel Hunter, and 
scalped him. They then passed over Sidling Hill and the Alle- 
gheny Mountains by Blair's Gap, and encamped beyond Stony 
Creek. Here they painted Bard's head red on one side, indicating 
that a council had been held ; that an equal number were for kill- 
ing him and for saving his life, and that his fate would be deter- 
mined in the next council. 

Bard then determined to attempt his escape and, while assist- 
ing his wife in plucking a turkey, he told her of his intentions. 
Some of the Indians were asleep, and one was amusing the others 
by parading around in Mrs. Bard's gown. As this Indian was 
thus furnishing amusement for the others. Bard was sent to the 
spring for water, and made his escape. After having made an un- 
successful search for Bard, the party proceeded to Fort Duquesne 
and then to Kuskuskies, where Mrs. Bard, the two boys and the 
girl were compelled to run the gauntlet, and were beaten in a most 
inhuman manner. Here also Daniel McManiny was put to death 
by being tied to a post, scalped alive, and pierced through the 
body with a red-hotgun barrel. 

Mrs. Bard was separated from the other prisoners, led from 
one Indian town to another, and finally adopted by two warriors, 
to take the place of a deceased sister. Finally she was taken to 
the headwaters of the Susquehanna, and during the journey, 
suffered greatly from fatigue and illness. She lay for two months, 
a blanket her only covering and boiled corn her only food. She 
remained in captivity two years and five months. 

Mr. Bard, after having made his escape and after a terrible 
journey of nine days, during which his only food was a few buds 
and four snakes, finally reached Fort Littleton, Fulton County. 
After this, he wandered from place to place throughout the 
frontier, seeking information concerning his wife. After having 
made several perilous journeys to Fort Duquesne for the same 
purpose, and in which he narrowly escaped capture on several 


occasions, he finally learned that she was at Fort Augusta (Sun- 
bury), where he redeemed her. 

During Mrs. Bard's captivity, she was kindly treated by the 
warriors who had adopted her. Before the Bards left Fort 
Augusta, Mr. Bard requested one of his wife's adopted brothers to 
visit them at their home. This he did some time afterwards, when 
the Bards were living about ten miles from Chambersburg, re- 
maining at the Bard home for some time ; but finally he went one 
day to McCormack's Tavern, where he became intoxicated and got 
into a quarrel with a rough frontier character by the name of 
Newgen, who stabbed him dangerously in the neck. Newgen fled 
from the vicinity in order to escape the wrath of Bard's neighbors. , 
The wounded Indian, however, recovered after being tenderly 
nursed by his adopted sister, Mrs. Bard. He then returned to his 
people, who put him to death on the pretext of having, as they 
claimed, joined the white people. 

For account of the capture and escape of Richard Bard, see 
his affidavit in Pa. Archives, Vol. 3, pages 396 and 397. 

Other Atrocities in 1758 

Other atrocities than the attacks on the Jemison and Bard 
families, were committed in Eastern Pennsylvania in the month 
of April, 1758. A man, named Lebenguth, and his wife were 
killed in the Tulpehocken Valley. Also, at Northkill, Nicholas 
Geiger's wife and two children and Michael Ditzelar's wife were 

On May 21st, 1758, Joseph Gallady was killed by Indians, and 
his wife and one child were taken captive, in Franklin County. 
On June 18th, Adam Read wrote from his home on the Swatara to 
Edward Shippen that, as Leonard Long was riding along the road 
about a mile from Read's house, he was killed and scalped. Read 
and some other men found the body lying in the road bleeding, 
but could not track the murderers. The son of Jacob Snabele 
was murdered not far from Fort Henry, on June 19th. (Pa. 
Archives, Vol. 3, page 426.) 

On the morning of June 19th, 1758, occurred the attack on the 
home of John Frantz, about six miles from Fort Henry, Berks 
County. Captain Christian Busse, in a letter written on the day 
of the event to Conrad Weiser, and recorded in Pa. Archives, Vol. 
3, page 425, says that Mrs. Frantz and three children were cap- 
tured. It seems, however, that before Mrs. Frantz was taken 


far, she was killed by her captors. The "Frontier Forts of Penn- 
sylvania," following closely an account of the tragedy appearing 
in the Pennsylvania GazeZ/g of June, 1758, contains the following 
in regard to this atrocity: 

"At the time this murder was committed, Mr. Frantz was out 
at work. His neighbors, having heard the firing of guns by the 
Indians, immediately repaired to the house of Frantz. On their 
way they apprised him of the report. When they arrived at the 
house, they found Mrs. Frantz dead (having been killed by the 
Indians because she was rather infirm and sickly, and so unable 
to travel), and all the children gone. They then pursued the 
Indians some distance, but all in vain. The children were taken 
and kept captives for several years. 

"A few years after this horrible affair, all of them, except one, 
the youngest, were exchanged. The oldest of them, a lad of 
twelve or thirteen years of age, at the time when captured, 
related the tragical scent of his mother being tomahawked and 
shamefully treated. Him they compelled to carry the youngest. 

"The anxious father, having received two of his children as 
from the dead, still sighed for the one that was lost. Whenever 
he heard of children being exchanged, he mounted his horse to 
see whether, among the captured, was not his dear little one. On 
one occasion he paid a man forty pounds to restore his child, who 
had reported that he knew where it was. To another he paid a 
hundred dollars, and himself went to Canada in search of the lost 
one — but, to his sorrow, never could trace his child. A parent 
can realize his feelings — they cannot be described." 

The Mohawks, being inclined to side with the French, formed 
a large party, in June, 1758, to attack the Minisink settlement in 
Monroe County. Teedyuscung endeavored to dissuade them, 
but was not entirely successful. Two men were killed and 
scalped and another wounded in the vicinity of Fort Hamilton. 
Also a fort, located at the upper end of the Minisink region, was 
captured. Samuel Dupui, in a letter written from Smithfield on 
the night of June 15th, says that this band of Indians consisted 
of about forty in number, and that the men of "that Garrison 
were Farmers, and were out on their plantations when the Indians 
fired on them and killed them, whereupon the Indians marched 
up to the Fort, and took all the women and children captive." 
Also, in August, 1758, a party of Mohawks and a French Captain 
reached Tioga with the intention of making war on the English. 
The friendly Delawares at that place persuaded some of the 


Mohawks to turn back, but ten of them and the French Captain 
proceeded apparently in the direction of the Minisink region, 
whereupon Teedyuscung sent word to Governor Denny of this 
fact, and messengers were sent to warn the Minisink settlers. 
In his message, which was delivered on August 9th, by the friendly 
Delawares, Zacheus and Jonathan, Teedyuscung said: "I con- 
sider the English our Brethren, and we have but one Ear, one 
Mouth, one Eye; you may be sure I shall apprize them of every 
motion of the Enemy." (Penna. Archives, Vol. 3, pages 424 and 

In fact, from the time Canachquasy persuaded him to "bury 
the hatchet," Teedyuscung worked steadfastly for peace, and in- 
sisted from time to time that a strong fort be built at Wyoming. 
However, he was unable to remain neutral, and he petitioned 
the Governor for reward on scalps, believing that if the white 
man could enjoy the profits of such a bounty, there was no reason 
why the Indians friendly to the Province should not come in for 
their share. He even sent friendly Indians to protect the fron- 
tiers. When Will Sock, a Conestoga, had been over the country 
carrying a French flag, and had murdered Chagrea and a German 
in Lancaster County, Teedyuscung took away the flag, sent it to 
Philadelphia, and gave him an English flag. In the meantime, 
also, he kept urging the Provincial authorities to build houses for 
the friendly Indians at Wyoming, in accordance with Pennsyl- 
vania's promise at the Easton conference of 1757 to enact a law 
which would settle the Wyoming lands upon him and his people 

Death of Scarouady 

We are now ready to describe General Forbes' march against 
and capture of Fort Duquesne; but before doing so, we call atten- 
tion to the fact that the summer of 1758 marked the passing of 
the wise and able Scarouady. The date of his death is not known, 
but it was prior to August 26th, 1758, on which day several 
Mohawks came to Philadelphia from the territory of the Six 
Nations, bringing with them Scarouady 's wife and all her children. 
She presented Governor Denny with "her husband's calumet 
pipe, and desired that he and the Indians might smoke it together; 
she intended to have gone into the Cherokee country, but had 
altered her mind, and would stay here with her children." Prob- 
ably the old chief lost his life in one of Johnson's expeditions 
in New York. 



It is with sincere regret that we take leave of Scarouady, an 
admirable character, a forceful orator, the leading speaker at 
many important conferences, the wise counselor, the strong enemy 
of the French, the firm friend of the English. Far past the prime 
of life when he first appears upon the scene, his aged shoulders 
bore a mighty burden to the end of his eventful career. 


General Forbes' Expedition 
Against Fort Duquesne 


As stated at the beginning of Chapter XVI, when the power- 
2\ ful hand of William Pitt took hold of the helm of the 
British Ship of State, three expeditions were planned for gaining 
possession of the territory claimed by the French, in America, 
one of these expeditions being against Fort Duquesne. On the 
same day on which General Abercrombie was appointed to suc- 
ceed Lord Loudon, as commander-in-chief of the British forces 
in America, Brigadier-General John Forbes was appointed com- 
mander of the Southern District, including Pennsylvania, Virginia 
Maryland and the Carolinas. A large volume could be written 
on General Forbes' expedition against Fort Duquesne, but, in 
the limits of this history, it is possible to give only the main facts. 

In the first place, let us take a view of the forces making up 

the army of General Forbes. Probably as accurate a list of these 

forces as has ever been given is the following from Lowdermilk's 

"History of Cumberland": 

Field Co. 
Name of Corps Officers Officers Total 

Division of 1st Battalion of Royal Americans. . . 1 12 363 

Highland, or 62d Regiment 3 37 998 Ij 267 

Division of 62d Regiment 3 12 269 J ' 

1st Virginia Regiment 3 32 782 

2nd Virginia Regiment 3 35 702 

3rd North Carolina Companies 1 10 141 

4th Maryland Companies 1 15 270 

1st Battalion Pennsylvania 3 41 755 1 

2nd Battalion Pennsylvania 3 40 666^2,192 

3rd Battalion Pennsylvania 3 46 771 J 

Three Lower Counties (Delaware) 3 46 263 

Total 5,980 

Detachments on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and the road of communication : 

Major Captains Subalterns Total 
From the Pennsylvania Regiments 1 10 17 563 

From North Carolina Regiments . . 1 3 61 624 

j 1,484 


As indicated in the list of Forbes' forces, part of his army was 
composed of "Royal Americans." This was the name given to 
a force to consist of four battalions of one thousand men each — 
a force neither strictly British nor strictly Colonial, the men 
being recruited in the Colonies and the officers being comissioned 
by the King of England. The men were composed largely of 
Pennsylvania-Germans and other non-English speaking inhabi- 
tants of the Colonies. The law creating this force provided that 
fifty of the commissioned officers might be chosen from among 
Protestant foreign officers of ability and experience. 

At this point, it will be well to state a few facts about the most 
noted officer of the Royal Americans, Colonel Henry Bouquet, 
commander of the first battalion. He was born at Rolle, in the 
Canton of Vaud, Switzerland, about 1719. Having had much 
experience in the regiment of Constance and in the service of the 
King of Sardinia, in whose wars he distinguished himself, he, in 
1748, entered the Swiss Guards as Lieutenant-Colonel. When 
war broke out between England and France, in 1754, he entered 
the service of the British, and was sent to America, where he 
became the most distinguished and successful soldier of foreign 
birth, in Indian warfare. In the latter part of 1757, he was in 
South Carolina with four companies of Royal Americans, and 
on February 14th, 1758, was ordered to New York by General 
Forbes, at which place he landed on April 15th, with four com- 
panies of his Royal Americans and some Virginia troops. He 
then came to Philadelphia, and at once took an active part in 
the preparations for the advance against Fort Duquesne. In 
fact, he led the advance, and, on account of the physical weakness 
of General Forbes, who became seriously ill upon his arrival at 
Philadelphia, in April, most of the work of carrying out his plans 
of campaign devolved upon Colonel Bouquet. Not only was 
Colonel Bouquet an able and energetic soldier, but he was a 
scholar, as well, speaking and writing good French, German and 
English. In fact, he wrote better English than most British 
officers of his time. He was fond of the society of men of science. 
At the close of the Pontiac and Guyasuta War, he was made 
Brigadier-General and commandant in the Southern Colonies of 
British America, leaving New York for Pensacola, on April 
10th, 1765. His new honors were not long enjoyed, as he died 
of yellow fever at Pensacola, in the summer of 1765, "lamented 
by his friends and regretted universally." He sleeps in an un- 
known grave in the summer land of our country. 


For this expedition, Pennsylvania equipped twenty-seven 
hundred troops, but some of the companies were assigned to 
garrisoning Fort Augusta and other posts. The three Pennsyl- 
vania battalions, called a regiment, set forth in the above list, 
had, as their general officers Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph 
Shippen; Commissary of the Musters and Paymaster, James 
Young; Surgeon, Dr. Bond; Chaplain, Rev. Thomas Barton; 
Wagon Master, Robert Irwin; and Deputy Wagon Master, 
Mordecai Thompson. 

The first battalion was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel 
John Armstrong, of Kittanning expedition fame. Under him were 
Lieutenant-Colonel Hance Hamilton; Major Jacob Orndt, who 
was assigned to garrison duty; Surgeon Blain; Chaplain, Rev. 
Charles Beatty; Adjutant, John Philip de Hass; and Quarter- 
master, Thomas Smallman. Among the Captains in this batta- 
lion were: Samuel Allen, James Potter, Jacob Snaidor, George 
Armstrong, Edward Ward, Robert Callender, John Nicholas 
Wetterhold, William Lyon, Patrick Davis, Charles Garraway, 
William Armstrong, Richard Walter, John McKnight and David 

The second battalion was commanded by Colonel James Burd. 
Under him were Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Lloyd; Major 
David Jamison; Surgeon, John Morgan; Chaplain, Rev. John 
Steel; Adjutant, Jacob Kern; Quartermaster Asher Clayton; 
and Commissary Peter Bard. Among the Captains of the 
second battalion were: Christian Busse, Joseph Scott, Samuel 
J. Atlee, William Patterson, William Reynolds, Levi Trump, 
Jacob Morgan, Samuel Weiser (son of Conrad Weiser), Alexander 
McKee, John Byers, John Haslett, John Singleton and Robert 

The third battalion was commanded by Colonel Hugh Mercer. 
Under him were Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick Work; Major 
George Armstrong; Surgeon, Robert Bines; Chaplain, Rev. 
Andrew Bay; Adjutant, James Ewing; Quartermaster, Thomas 
Hutchins; and Sergeant-Major Samuel Culbertson. Among the 
captains of the third battalion were: Robert Boyd, John Black- 
wood, James Sharp, Adam Read, Samuel Nelson, John Mont- 
gomery, George Aston, Charles McClung, Robert McPherson, 
Paul Jackson, John Bull, William Biles, Archibald McGrew, 
Thomas Hamilton, Ludowick Stone, John Clark, John Allison, 
Job Rush ton, Thomas Smith, Alexander Graydon, James 
Hyndshaw, William Biles and Thomas Armour. 


The list of the officers of these three Pennsylvania Battalions 
is found in Pa. Archives, Fifth Series, Vol. 1, pages 178 to 185. 

The Southern troops were commanded by Colonel George 
Washington, Colonel Byrd, Colonel Stephens, Major Lewis and 
others. They assembled, first at Winchester, Virginia, and then 
at Cumberland, Maryland. 

Like Braddock, General Forbes had Indian allies — Cherokees 
and Catawbas. Like Braddock, also, nearly all of his Indian 
allies left him before he came near Fort Duquesne. Edmund 
Atkins, who, as was seen in a former chapter, was superintendent 
of Indian affairs for the southern provinces, being a member of 
the Council in South Carolina, had succeeded in procuring the 
Cherokees and Catawbas. As Forbes was advancing towards 
Fort Duquesne, many of these Indians went to the Ohio above 
and below the fort, in order to "annoy the enemy, get intelligence, 
and bring away prisoners." By the middle of May there were 
more than seven hundred of these Southern Indians in Forbes' 
service. However, it was necessary to give them presents almost 
constantly to keep them scouting. Six thousand pounds were 
spent to keep them out scouting. They gradually left the 
service, sighing for their southern homes. When July came, 
they had all gone home except about two hundred. By the first 
of September, all were gone home except about eighty; and, on 
October 27th, General Forbes wrote from "Camp at Top of 
Alleganey Mountains": "The Cherokee and other Southern 
Indians who came last winter and so early in the Spring to join 
us, after having by every Art they were Masters off, gott every- 
thing they could expect from us, left us without any remorse 
when they found they were not likely to get any more presents 
for retaining them, so that I have now left with me above fifty, 
and am now on my march to the Ohio, as the season will not 
admitt of one Moment's delay." 

The Route Followed by General Forbes 

Having taken this brief view of the forces, white and red, 
making up General Forbes' expedition, we shall now take a view 
of the route over which his army advanced against Fort Du- 
quesne. On March 28th, 1758, the General wrote Governor 
William Denny from New York, giving directions for raising 
troops in Pennsylvania, and also saying: "I propose assembling 
the Regular Troops and those of Pennsylvania, at Conegochie 


[Conococheague — the mouth of the creek of this name at Will- 
iamsport, Maryland], about the 20th of April." (Pa. Col. Rec, 
Vol. 8, pages 59, 60.) In making the mouth of the Conococheague 
the rendezvous and base of supplies for the Pennsylvania forces, 
he did so at the suggestion of Sir John St. Clair, his Quarter- 
master-General, who had held this same position in Braddock's 
army, and no doubt expected that Forbes would advance against 
Fort Duquesne over the same road that Braddock used, making, 
like Braddock, Fort Cumberland the starting point. 

Washington and the other \'irginians took it for granted that 
the Braddock road would be followed by Forbes. However, 
before the campaign was far advanced. Colonel Bouquet, who, 
as we have seen, led the advance, hoped to find a better way 
over the mountains than the Braddock road, and General Forbes 
shared this hope. Bouquet carefully studied the reports of his 
scouts and became strongly of the opinion that the route to be 
followed should start at Fort Loudon, thence to Raystown (Bed- 
ford), thence to Loyalhanna (Ligonier), thence to Fort Duquesne; 
that Fort Loudon should be the real starting point of the expedi- 
tion and base of supplies, and that the assembling place of the 
southern troops should be Bedford, where a stockade (Fort Bed- 
ford) had been erected by Colonel John Armstrong in 1756. The 
Pennsylvania officers agreed with Colonel Bouquet. Conferences 
were held between Bouquet and the Pennsylvania officers, on 
the one hand, and Washington and the Virginia officers, on the 
other. An animated controversy soon arose, and continued for 
many weeks. At one time during the controversy, it was pro- 
posed that Washington lead the southern troops over the Brad- 
dock road from Fort Cumberland and join the main army on the 
Monongahela, just before the attack on Fort Duquesne. This 
proposal was rejected after General Forbes received reports from 
Colonel Bouquet which set forth the investigations his scouts 
had made of both routes. From first to last Washington was in 
favor of the Braddock road. He wrote to Major Peter Halket, 
one of Forbes' aides: 

"I am just returned from a conference held with Colonel 
Bouquet. I find him fixed — I think I may say unalterably fixed 
— to lead you a new way to the Ohio through a road every inch 
of which is to be cut at this advanced season, when we have 
scarcely time left to tread the beaten track universally confessed 
to be the best passage through the mountains. If Colonel 
Bouquet succeeds in this point with the General, all is lost! all is 


lost, indeed! our enterprise is ruined! and we shall be stopped at 
the Laurel Hill this winter; but not to gather laurels, except the 
kind which cover the mountains." 

In pressing the claims of the Braddock road, Washington and 
the other Virginians pointed out that it was nineteen miles 
shorter than the proposed new road and that it would not re- 
quire so much work and expense as cutting the new road, over- 
looking, seemingly, the fact that it was then grown up with 
sprouts and brush. 

Virginia had made the first settlements (the Ohio Company's) 
in the valley of the Ohio ; she had constructed the first road to the 
Ohio, the Nemacolon Indian trail, which the Ohio Company 
cleared and widened; she claimed the valley of the Ohio, which 
Pennsylvania also claimed. Therefore it is fair to assume that 
Virginia feared her claim to the Ohio Valley would be endangered 
if a new road, leading directly from the settled parts of Pennsyl- 
vania to the Ohio Valley, were opened. Such road would afiford 
easy access to the Ohio Valley for the Pennsylvania traders. 
The Pennsylvania officers, in urging the claims of the proposed 
new road, pointed out that it would afford direct communication 
to the fertile farms of Eastern Pennsylvania, from which food 
and other supplies for the army could be obtained. They also 
called attention to the fact that, when Braddock was marching 
against Fort Duquesne, work was in progress of cutting a road 
from McDowell's Mill, in Franklin County, to join the Braddock 
road at Turkey Foot (Confluence), by which supplies, so sorely 
needed by Braddock's army, could be brought from Eastern Penn- 
sylvania, — a road which Colonel James Burd had completed as 
far as the summit of the Allegheny Mountains, when Braddock's 
defeat put an end to its construction. 

At length the recommendation of Colonel Bouquet and the 
Pennsylvania officers was adopted by General Forbes, and as we 
shall presently see. Bouquet began the work of cutting the new 
road. The course followed by Forbes' army followed very closely 
the course of the old Indian trail which ran through Bedford to 
the "Forks of the Ohio," — a trail that had been used very much 
by the Shawnees and Delawares in their migration from the 
valley of the Susquehanna to the valleys of the Ohio and Alle- 
gheny. Christopher Gist had followed this trail from Bedford 
to the Ohio, in 1750, when exploring for the Ohio Company. The 
Lincoln Highway follows its general course over the mountains 
to Pittsburgh today. 


The starting point of the "Forbes Road" was Fort Loudon. 
Part of its course from this place to Bedford was over the road 
Colonel Burd had cut from McDowell's Mill to the crest of the 
Allegheny Mountain, in 1755. It (the "Forbes Road") ran from 
Fort Loudon to Fort Littleton ; thence to Sideling Hill ; thence to 
the crossing of the Raystown Branch of the Juniata; thence 
through Everett to Bedford; thence to Wolfsburg and Schells- 
burg; thence through Edmund's Swamp; thence near Stoystown, 
Quemahoning and Jenner; thence over the Laurel Hills to 
Ligonier; thence over the Chestnut Ridge to Youngstown; thence 
past old Unity Church to Hannastown; thence across the head- 
waters of Brush Creek to Murraysville, not, however, passing 
through the battlefield of Bushy Run, as some historians have 
stated, but turning to the northwest about four miles east of 
the battlefield; thence (from Murraysville) to Shannopin's Town, 
now within the limits of Pittsburgh, on the east bank of the 
Allegheny, about two miles from its mouth. 

The present "Forbes Street," in Pittsburgh, does not mark the 
course General Forbes followed. After reaching Shannopin's 
Town, located between the present Penn Avenue and the Alle- 
gheny River at about Thirtieth Street, the army advanced along 
the bank of this river, and not the Monongahela, to the French 

For an accurate account of the course of the "Forbes Road," 
especially its course through the city of Pittsburgh to Fort 
Duquesne, the reader is referred to Dr. George P. Donehoo's 
"Pennsylvania— A History," Vol. 2, pages 823, 824, 831 and 832. 

The March Over the Mountains 

Colonel Bouquet arrived at Bedford early in July, where he 
enlarged and strengthened the stockade already erected there, 
in 1756, (Fort Bedford), and constructed entrenchments and 
palisades. By the first of August, a large part of Bouquet's 
forces was at work cutting the new road through the mountain 
forests towards Ligonier. His total forces at that time were about 
seventeen hundred men. By the sixteenth of August, Bouquet's 
forces, woodcutters and troops, consisted of thirty-nine hundred 
men, including two Virginia companies; and fourteen hundred 
were employed at that time in cutting the new road towards 
Ligonier, which place they reached about September 1st. (Pa. 
Archives, Vol. 3, page 510.) The best information as to the time 


when Bouquet himself reached Ligonier is his letter of September 
17th, in which he says: "The day on which I arrived at the camp, 
which was the 7th [of September], it was reported to me that we 
were surrounded by parties of Indians, several soldiers having 
been scalped or made prisoners." (Frontier Forts of Pennsyl- 
vania, Vol. 2, pages 254-255.) By that time, all his force had 
reached that place. Here, on the banks of the Loyalhanna, 
Bouquet erected Fort Ligonier. He also erected the fortificai on 
known as Breastwork Hill, on Nine Mile Run, in what is now 
Unity Township, Westmoreland County, about ten miles west of 

The work of cutting, hewing and blasting the road over the 
main range of the Allegheny Mountains and, particularly, the 
parallel range of the Laurel Hills to the westward, was prodigious. 
In many places, the road was cut in the rock on the sides of steep 
declivities. As far as the eye could reach, the vast and primeval 
forest covered the mountain ranges and the valleys between. 
Forbes described the mountain region through which the road 
was cut as an "immense uninhabited wilderness, overgrown every- 
where with trees and brushwood, so that nowhere can one see 
twenty yards." At the summit of the Allegheny Mountains, not 
far from the Wilderness Club House, one can see today the most 
perfectly preserved of the breastworks which Colonel Bouquet 
erected while cutting this wilderness and mountain road. The 
earthen embankments can be plainly traced. It was known as 
McLean's Redoubt. 

Washington arrived at Bedford on September 16th, Lieutenant 
Colonel Stephen, with six companies of Virginia troops, having 
reached that place previously. 

General Forbes arrived in Philadelphia in April, 1758. At the 
head of the British regulars, he marched from Philadelphia about 
the last of June to effect a union with the other troops at Bed- 
ford. Reaching Carlisle, he was detained for some time on ac- 
count of his severe illness. In fact, on account of bodily weakness, 
he was carried in a hurdle between two horses all the way from 
Carlisle to Fort Duquesne and back to Philadelphia. He reached 
Bedford about the middle of September, where he met the 
southern troops under Washington. Forbes' rear division left 
Bedford on October 23d (Penna. Col. Rec, Vol. 8, pages 224- 
225); he and his advance troops reached Ligonier about Novem- 
ber 1st; but his entire army did not arrive there until about a 
week later. Christian Frederick Post, an account of whose 


peace missions to the Western Delawares was given in Chapter 
XVI, says in his journal that he passed Forbes' artillery on Laurel 
Hill, on November 7th. 

Grant's Defeat 

The most disasterous event connected with General Forbes' 
advance against Fort Duquesne was the defeat of Major James 
Grant, of the Highlanders, where the Allegheny Court House now 
stands, in the city of Pittsburgh, on September 14th, 1758. 
Major Grant, with a force of thirty-seven officers and eight hun- 
dred and five privates, was sent from Ligonier by Bouquet to 
reconnoiter the fort and adjacent country. Grant had begged 
Bouquet for permission to make this expedition. Grant's in- 
structions were not to approach too near the fort and not to 
attack it. The wilderness between Ligonier and Fort Duquesne 
was filled with Indians constantly watching the movements of 
Grant's little army; yet he succeeded in coming within sight of 
the fort w